Cain, 23, faces one count of strangulation, a third-degree felony, in Seneca County Common Pleas Court, stemming from a May 19 incident at the Tiffin home he shared with his girlfriend. The Ohio Department of Public Safety Director D. Andrew Wilson signed Cain’s termination letter on Wednesday, June 3, citing a violation of OSHP Rule 4501:2-6-02(I)(2) — Conduct Unbecoming an Officer. The termination was served to Cain at approximately 11:00 a.m. the following day, Thursday, June 4, with that date listed as the effective date.

The records, released to TiffinOhio.net in response to a public records request, trace the full internal sequence. An OSHP administrative investigation was opened on Thursday, May 21 by Lieutenant Chad E. Smith of the Administrative Investigation Unit, two days after Cain’s arrest. The agency placed Cain on unpaid administrative leave effective Friday, May 22. On Tuesday, May 26, Bucyrus District Commander Captain Scott C. Rike filed a formal statement of charges against Cain with OSHP Superintendent Colonel Charles A. Jones, recommending termination. The following day, Wednesday, May 27, Superintendent Jones issued a pre-disciplinary notice to Cain and scheduled a hearing for June 2 at the Bucyrus District Headquarters.

At the Tuesday, June 2 pre-disciplinary hearing, Cain appeared and was represented by Bruce Elling, a labor representative from the Ohio State Troopers Association. Cain did not provide testimony. Lieutenant Smith attended via video conference and presented the findings of the administrative investigation. Staff Lieutenant Richard P. Reeder, the meeting officer, concluded that just cause existed for discipline and forwarded his recommendation to Director Wilson. Wilson signed the termination letter the next day.

The termination letter states that Cain was fired “for violation of Ohio State Highway Patrol Rules and Regulations 4501:2-6-02(I)(2) Conduct Unbecoming an Officer,” specifically as a result of administrative investigation #2026-13312, in which “it was found that you were charged with a third-degree felony.”

Before the arrest, Cain’s disciplinary record was clean. A deportment record generated on May 21 — the same day the administrative investigation was opened — shows no prior disciplinary history.

Performance evaluations spanning his first year at the Norwalk Post, all written by his supervisor Jordan Schwochow, consistently praised Cain’s work ethic, professionalism, and enforcement numbers. Schwochow noted he had become one of the leaders in traffic stops and proactive enforcement at the post. In the overall summary of his annual review, completed in October 2025 and covering the period from October 2024 through September 2025 — roughly seven months before his arrest — Schwochow wrote that Cain “doesn’t engage in any behaviors that would bring discredit to himself, the Norwalk Post or the Division.”

The evaluations were not uniformly positive. In two consecutive reviews, Cain received a “Does Not Meet” rating for administrative follow-through, with Schwochow noting he was slow to turn in reports, slow to respond to supervisors by phone and email, and needed repeated reminders to complete basic tasks including required trainings. A corrective plan was put in place, and the evaluations note some improvement, but the issue persisted through his final review in November 2025. His overall rating across all three evaluations was “Meets Expectations.”

Cain had been hired by the Patrol on April 15, 2024, and took his oath of office on November 8, 2024, as a member of the 174th Academy Class. He was assigned to the Norwalk Post in the Bucyrus District. He was terminated less than 14 months after his hire date.

The Ohio State Highway Patrol previously confirmed Cain’s termination in a written statement to TiffinOhio.net. “The Patrol took immediate action upon learning of the allegations, the employee has since been terminated,” the agency said. “The conduct alleged does not reflect the values of this agency.”

The criminal case remains pending before Common Pleas Judge Damon D. Alt, with the Seneca County Prosecutor’s Office prosecuting. Cain posted a $75,000 bond on May 28 and is not in custody. His attorney, Dean Henry, has not responded to a request for comment.

A criminal charge is an allegation. Cain is presumed innocent unless and until he is convicted in court.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The 30-second spot, paid for by V-PAC: Victors Not Victims — the super PAC formed by Ramaswamy’s allies — brands Acton “the liberal who shut down Ohio” and warns that “it gets worse from here.” Here is what the record shows.

Claim: Acton “shut down Ohio, closing your child’s school and your friend’s business”

False as framed. Acton was DeWine’s appointed director of the Ohio Department of Health from February 2019 to June 2020 and signed the orders that closed schools and businesses — but she did so under emergency authority the governor granted her, and DeWine has repeatedly said the decisions were his. “The decisions that were made during COVID, they were my decisions, so no one should blame someone else if they don’t like it. The buck stops with me,” DeWine told NBC4 in December. DeWine, a Republican, has since endorsed Ramaswamy. Senate President Rob McColley, R-Napoleon, disputes DeWine’s account and calls Acton the “central architect” of the restrictions, but the governor who held the authority has said the calls were his alone.

Claim: Acton runs “on a radical far-left platform”

A characterization the record undercuts. Acton, a Democrat, was DeWine’s final cabinet appointment, and the Republican governor praised her without reservation when she resigned in 2020. “No one that I’ve ever met has more passion for helping people, has more passion for public health than Dr. Amy Acton,” DeWine said at the time. “She’s always put the health of Ohioans first.” Acton’s campaign platform centers on school funding, lowering health care and prescription costs, and a working-families tax cut.

Claim: Acton says illegal immigrants “have the right to be here”

Unsupported, and contradicted by her own words. The ad cites no statement, and Acton’s on-record position is the opposite. Asked in January about immigration enforcement, Acton told Ideastream Public Media: “If people are here as criminals, if people are here illegally, we need to enforce the laws of this country and the laws of the state of Ohio. But we need to do that lawfully.”

Claim: Acton “wants woke DEI racial preferences for hiring at Ohio colleges and universities”

Unsupported. The ad points to no Acton statement, and there is no record of her calling for racial hiring preferences at Ohio’s public universities. Ramaswamy, by contrast, has a documented higher-education position: he has proposed closing or consolidating public universities he considers “subpar,” naming the University of Akron, Kent State and Cleveland State, to help pay for an income-tax cut.

Who is paying for the ad

V-PAC is a federal super PAC, which can raise and spend unlimited sums but cannot coordinate with a candidate’s campaign. It reported raising about $18.6 million tied to the 2026 cycle, with its largest contributions coming from out of state: $10 million from Pennsylvania-area investor Jeff Yass and $5 million from New York financier Ross Stevens. The PAC also accepted $275,000 in late 2025 from IT Serve Alliance, a group that has backed expanding foreign-worker visa programs, then refunded it after conservative backlash. Ramaswamy himself drew bipartisan criticism in December 2024 when he argued American culture “has venerated mediocrity over excellence” while defending tech companies that hire foreign-born engineers.

The campaign’s response

Acton campaign manager Philip Stein said in a statement: “Vivek Ramaswamy has spent his campaign calling Ohioans lazy and backing tax scams that benefit billionaires while raising our costs and bankrupting our schools; no wonder his billionaire friends are coming to his aid. This is just another desperate attempt to salvage his struggling campaign. Ohioans know the truth- Vivek Ramaswamy is only out for himself.”

Acton and Ramaswamy advanced from the May 5 primary and meet in the general election on Nov. 3, 2026.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Tiffin clinic dates and hours

Walk-in clinics at the health district’s Tiffin office, located at 92 E. Perry St., will be held on June 11, June 18, June 23, and June 25 from 10:30 a.m. to 3:30 p.m.

Fostoria clinic dates and hours

In Fostoria, walk-in clinics will be held July 21, Aug. 18, and Sept. 15 from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. at the health district’s Fostoria office at 801 Kirk St.

What to bring

Residents attending a clinic should bring a photo ID and insurance card. Vaccines are also available by appointment at the Tiffin office; call (419) 447-3691 ext. 6333 to schedule.

For more information about available vaccines, visit senecahealthdept.org.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Food service begins at 5 p.m. and runs until 7 p.m. or until the food runs out. The menu includes shredded chicken sandwiches, sloppy joes, cole slaw, potato and three-bean salad, baked beans, assorted pies and the church’s strawberry shortcake, made with fresh strawberries and ice cream.

Guests can go through the main food line for a full meal or use a separate dessert-only line for shortcake. The event is dine-in only, with no carry-out available. Assistance is available for elderly guests and people with limited mobility.

New additions and family activities

New this year, the festival will feature bingo and a raffle. Visitors can also take photos with the “Strawberry Truck,” and children can use a bounce house.

A long-running community tradition

“Though the funds we raise are very valuable to our church and our mission, we don’t really see the Festival as a fundraiser,” said Audrey Naegele Flood, president of the church’s Consistory board. “Our congregation has so much fun socializing and visiting with people, this is one of the things we look forward to most all year. Tons of work goes into preparing for this event, but it’s more than worth it for the memories made.”

Troy Kagy, president of the Bloom Township trustees, said he has seen the festival’s impact firsthand. “Having grown up in this church and been involved in this community for years, I’ve seen firsthand what this festival means to people here,” he said. “The volunteers pour hours of work into it, and the good it does for both the church and the community makes every bit of it worthwhile.”

“Every summer this festival draws people to Bloomville and gives our neighbors a chance to gather, catch up, meet new people and enjoy each other’s company,” Bloomville Mayor David Auble Jr. said. “It’s been a cherished tradition in the Village for nearly 70 years.”

Preparing for the festival is a monthslong, all-hands effort, according to the church. Volunteers bake each shortcake ahead of time, hand-cut thousands of berries and set up chairs the morning of the event, then scoop ice cream, make change and keep hot food coming through the evening before washing trays and taking down tents at the end of the night.

How to give and learn more

Supporters who cannot attend can donate online, mail a gift to PO Box 55, Bloomville, or bring a donation to the event. More information is available on the church’s website and its Facebook page.

About the Bloomville United Church of Christ

The Bloomville UCC was founded in 1850 with nine members. The congregation has changed names, pastors and buildings over the years and remains an anchor institution in the village of Bloomville.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The Ohio Senate passed Senate Joint Resolution 10 on a 22–9 vote Wednesday, June 3, just two weeks after the measure was introduced, according to the Ohio Capital Journal. A final vote in the Ohio House could come as soon as Wednesday, June 10, the Statehouse News Bureau reported. If 60 of the House’s 99 members sign off, the question goes before voters this November.

What the amendment would not do is change how a single Ohioan votes. And that gap — between what the measure claims to accomplish and what it actually does — has produced an unusual coalition of opponents, from the ACLU of Ohio and the League of Women Voters to conservative election activists, while Republican leaders deny the charge that the whole exercise is designed to pull their voters to the polls in a difficult midterm year.

The law already on the books

Gov. Mike DeWine signed House Bill 458 in January 2023, and its photo-ID mandate took effect that April. Since then, every Ohioan voting in person — on Election Day or during early voting — has been required to present an unexpired Ohio driver’s license, state ID card, or BMV interim ID form; a U.S. passport or passport card; or a U.S. military, Ohio National Guard, or Department of Veterans Affairs ID card. The 2023 law eliminated the documents Ohioans had used for years, including utility bills, bank statements, paychecks, and Social Security cards.

SJR 10 would copy the core of that requirement into the Ohio Constitution, where no future legislature or court could undo it without another statewide vote. Sponsors introduced the resolution in mid-May — Sens. Jane Timken, R-Jackson Township, and Theresa Gavarone, R-Bowling Green, in the Senate, with a companion measure, House Joint Resolution 9, from Reps. Adam Bird, R-New Richmond, and Heidi Workman, R-Rootstown.

“This is about fair and free elections,” Timken said when the resolutions were introduced, according to the Ohio Capital Journal. On the Senate floor, she pointed to Virginia as a cautionary tale: “After several years of operation, surviving judicial challenges, Virginia repealed its photo ID requirements in 2020 after a single seat in the General Assembly flipped.”

The Capital Journal noted what Timken’s Virginia example leaves out: even after that state returned to allowing non-photo documents, a 2021 review by The Virginia Mercury found only about 0.05% of voters in several large localities cast ballots without showing a photo ID.

A fast track with a campaign behind it

The amendment push did not begin in the legislature. Vivek Ramaswamy, the Republican nominee for governor, called in a mid-May Cincinnati Enquirer op-ed for enshrining voter ID in the state constitution, writing that the existing statutory requirement is “fragile.” Days later, Republican lawmakers introduced HJR 9 and SJR 10. Senate President Rob McColley, R-Napoleon — who shepherded SJR 10 through his chamber — is Ramaswamy’s running mate for lieutenant governor.

The resolutions then moved at a pace rarely seen for constitutional amendments. In committee and on the Senate floor, Democrats offered amendments to guarantee a free state ID card, expand the list of acceptable documents, permit future electronic IDs, and allow same-day voter registration. The GOP-majority committee tabled every one, the Capital Journal reported.

“The general response was, well, those provisions are already in statute,” Sen. Willis Blackshear, D-Dayton, said on the floor. “Well, photo ID’s already in statute. So then the question becomes, if we believe photo ID is important enough to enshrine in the Constitution, then why not include those protections?”

Trump turns up the pressure

President Donald Trump injected himself into the fight Monday night, June 8, posting on Truth Social as the House committee weighed the measure:

“Congratulations to the Ohio State Senate for passing Senate Joint Resolution 10, which would require VOTER I.D. in Ohio Elections! Democrats fought hard against this, presumably so they can CHEAT. I am now asking all of my Republican friends in the State House to, also, PASS THIS NOW, and put a Constitutional Amendment on the Ballot so that the Great People of Ohio can vote to enshrine VOTER I.D. in the State Constitution. I will be watching, and am strongly supportive of this Resolution.”

Trump’s claim that the amendment “would require VOTER I.D. in Ohio Elections” describes a requirement that has been in force since April 2023. His assertion that Democrats opposed it “so they can CHEAT” is not supported by the legislative record; Senate Democrats’ objections centered on the omission of the free-ID guarantee and same-day registration, not on photo ID itself, which remains state law regardless of the amendment’s fate.

Gavarone amplified the post on Facebook within hours: “Thank you Mr. President for your support of Senate Joint Resolution 10! I look forward to its swift passage in the House!”

‘Hope that they turn out’

The central question hanging over the effort is why Republicans are spending legislative time and a ballot line on a law that already exists. Critics across the spectrum have an answer: turnout.

“It’s ‘put something on the ballot attractive to certain voters, and hope that they turn out,’” ACLU of Ohio Legislative Director Gary Daniels told News 5 Cleveland statehouse reporter Morgan Trau, in a story published by the Ohio Capital Journal. Daniels testified that the ACLU’s opposition “is much less about the underlying policy issue of photo IDs for voters and much more about taking away valuable policy and legislative time to quickly place an unneeded constitutional amendment on the ballot for purely political reasons.”

There is recent precedent. In 2022 — another midterm year — Ohio Republicans placed a measure on the ballot banning noncitizens from voting in all Ohio elections, even though noncitizens already could not vote in state or federal elections, News 5 reported.

McColley rejected the comparison. “Seeing this as a turnout juicer or anything like that, it’s not really backed up,” he told Trau, pointing to polling showing broad support for photo-ID requirements. After the Senate vote, he predicted the amendment “will pass overwhelmingly.”

House Minority Leader Dani Isaacsohn, D-Cincinnati, said the GOP was putting the amendment forward “politically.” “This is a way to try and distract voters from the fact that their gas is over $5 a gallon,” he said. “You think that Ohioans, when they can’t afford their childcare, their healthcare, their gas, their utility bills, are going to be motivated, instead, to go out and vote for something that is already the law in Ohio.”

Public testimony has run overwhelmingly against the measure. At one committee hearing on HJR 9, 78 people and groups opposed the resolution while a single Ohio group submitted supporting testimony, News 5 reported. In a later Capital Journal tally, just 2 of the more than 80 witnesses who submitted testimony supported the idea — and neither appeared in person. Asked about that lopsided record, House Speaker Matt Huffman, R-Lima, said, “Uh, yes, it means something to me,” before adding: “The number, as we know, often it’s the same set of people who are being invigorated by the same groups to come and testify.”

The fraud the amendment targets is vanishingly rare

Ohio’s own elections data undercuts the security rationale. On the Senate floor, Sen. Kent Smith, D-Euclid, said roughly 22 million votes have been cast in Ohio since 2008 — and 18 voter fraud charges filed in that span. “Phony voting just is not happening very much at all in the state of Ohio,” Smith said. “In-person voter fraud is less common than UFO sightings, or more importantly, Bigfoot sightings in Portage County.”

That tracks with the state’s findings under Republican leadership. Then-Secretary of State Frank LaRose identified possible fraud in about 1 of every 222,000 votes cast in the 2020 election, the Capital Journal reported when HB 458 passed in 2023.

What the amendment leaves out — and what it slips in

When lawmakers enacted photo voter ID in 2023, they included a guarantee that any Ohioan can obtain a free state ID card — a provision tied to the U.S. Constitution’s 24th Amendment ban on poll taxes. That guarantee does not appear in the proposed amendment, a gap voting-rights advocates flagged repeatedly in committee.

“You can easily argue that it is unconstitutional at the federal level to not have free ID,” League of Women Voters of Ohio Executive Director Jen Miller testified, “that if you require something that costs money, that that is a poll tax.” Miller opposes the resolution but told lawmakers that if they proceed, the free-ID language should at minimum be written into the amendment’s text.

Opponents are equally focused on language the resolution adds. Its final section asserts that nothing in the amendment requires lawmakers to allow voting “in any location or manner other than in person at a polling place on the day of an election.” To Steve David of All Voting is Local Action Ohio, that clause reveals the longer game: “Rather than installing protections for Ohio voters, the General Assembly is telegraphing its intentions to restrict early in-person voting and eliminate the no-fault absentee system.”

McColley has denied any such plan, telling News 5: “There are no plans to eliminate early mail-in voting or absentee voting in the state of Ohio. I don’t believe there would even be support in either one of our caucuses to do that.”

Friction on the right — including a familiar face from Tiffin

The amendment has also splintered the activists who usually champion stricter voting rules. Marcell Strbich, a retired Air Force officer who ran unsuccessfully for secretary of state in last month’s Republican primary, testified that the amendment locks in “unequal treatment” because it constitutionalizes photo ID for in-person voters while leaving absentee voters under the current, looser standard of writing identifying information on a ballot envelope.

Among those echoing that argument was Eric Watson of Tiffin, who narrowly lost last month’s Republican primary for the 88th Ohio House District, which covers Seneca and Sandusky counties. Watson told the committee he supports the resolution only if lawmakers “close these loopholes.” “You need to show a government photo ID for many other things,” Watson testified, “so it only makes sense that a government photo ID would also be required for mail-in ballots to help protect one of the greatest privileges we have as a citizen.”

Republican committee members pushed back on the photocopy idea from both directions. Rep. Tom Young, R-Washington Twp., raised data-security concerns: “Before you leave today, give me your driver’s license. I’ll keep it for a while and return it to you, maybe, and store all the data. Is that a good idea?” Committee chair Rep. Sharon Ray, R-Wadsworth, questioned the logic itself: “What are you going to compare the copy to? Do you see how nonsensical that is?”

The split reached the Senate floor, where Sen. Al Cutrona, R-Canfield, voted no from the right. “When you mail in your ballot, you should have to have some type of form of ID. Unfortunately, I don’t see that here, and that raises major concerns for me,” Cutrona said. “I think this is creating a loophole within our own constitution if this is indeed passed.” Rep. Ron Ferguson, R-Wintersville, wrote on X that “The Ohio Senate missed the mark, but we have the chance to salvage it in the Ohio House,” calling for “Photo ID for every voter.”

What happens Wednesday

The House’s general government committee took two hours of testimony Monday, June 8, and adjourned without amending the resolution, the Statehouse News Bureau reported. Ray, the chair, signaled changes are still possible: “I think there’s got to be a little bit more conversation regarding the free IDs.”

A final House floor vote could come Wednesday, June 10. Passage requires a three-fifths majority — 60 votes — and any amendment to the resolution would send it back to the Senate. If the chambers agree, the question goes straight to the November ballot, where the voters Republicans are counting on will decide whether to constitutionalize a rule they have been following at the polls since 2023.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

U.S. Sen. Mike Lee, a member of the church widely known as the Mormon church, said the policy for military chaplains announced Friday was “offensive” and demanded the Pentagon reverse course, which the department did Monday afternoon.

“It’s also just repugnant to any sense of decency, any sense of our common heritage and our common belief that the government needs to not weigh in on doctrinal disputes between various religious denominations,” Lee, a Utah Republican, said in a video statement posted to social media Sunday night.

“So I’m respectfully imploring the people at the Pentagon to reconsider this, not just reconsider but undo it,” Lee continued. “Secretary Hegseth: Tear down that wall. This is not cool.”

Hours later, Lee wrote on social media that he personally spoke to President Donald Trump on the phone about the “Pentagon’s ‘Christian list’” and told people to “stay tuned.”

“I won’t speak for him, but I’m thrilled about where this is heading,” Lee wrote. “We’re most fortunate that President Trump (1) loves Latter-day Saints, and (2) is our commander in chief.” 

A spokesperson with Lee’s office told States Newsroom Monday the senator received assurances from the administration that the issue will be resolved.

Just after noon Eastern time Monday, the Pentagon pointed States Newsroom to a social media post showing an updated list without the word “Christian” before any of the denominations.

“The Pentagon’s job is not to adjudicate theological debates, but instead to ensure sincerely-held faith is respected and encouraged in our ranks,” according to the post by an account with the handle “DOW Rapid Response,” using the acronym for the administration’s preferred but unofficial name, Department of War.

Sen. John Curtis, a Utah Republican, also spoke out on social media stating the church is “unequivocally Christian.”

“It is unacceptable for a government entity to characterize a faith in a manner that contradicts the religion’s own foundational tenets,” he wrote Saturday.

A concern from lawmakers is that service members who belong to the Latter-day Saints may not receive services from a Christian chaplain.

The issue places the Pentagon in the middle of a longtime theological dispute between Latter-day Saints, who believe in the divinity of Jesus Christ and consider themselves Christian, and some members of other Christian faiths who believe the Salt Lake City-based church should be viewed as outside of Christianity.

Latter-day Saint church leaders declined to comment Monday.

The White House pointed States Newsroom to the department’s Monday afternoon social media announcement.

Shorter list

Citing a two-page letter posted to social media Friday, Parnell said the department was making a “long overdue move” to reduce the military chaplains’ overall list of religious affiliations to 31, down from an “unmanageable” 200.

“This decrease in religious affiliation codes is not designed to make any claims on the legitimacy of any faith or religious belief, nor is it intended to provide a list of ‘officially approved’ religions. Rather, it is designed to allow chaplains to quickly look at the religious composition of their units and determine how they structure resources to best provide for warfighters of all faith groups,” Parnell wrote.

The list includes 21 separate Christian denominations, but lists the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints separately.

‘Christian nationalist takeover’

Criticism of the new list reverberated beyond Latter-day Saints.

Rev. Paul Brandeis Raushenbush, a Baptist minister and president and CEO of the Interfaith Alliance advocacy group accused the administration Friday of pushing a “Christian nationalist takeover of the Department of Defense.”

“Religious freedom in the military must mean religious freedom for everyone who serves, not just those this administration finds politically useful,” Raushenbush said in a statement.

“Secretary Hegseth is not ‘streamlining’ anything. He is elevating one narrow religious worldview from the top of the chain of command. That is dangerous, discriminatory and fundamentally un-American. The First Amendment does not allow the government to create a hierarchy of faiths, and it certainly does not allow the Pentagon to decide which beliefs are worthy of recognition.”

Hegseth announced a restructuring of the military’s chaplain corps in March, which he said had been “infected with political correctness and secular humanism.”

Hegseth hosts a monthly Christian worship service at the Pentagon.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

All 12 victims are reported to be in stable conditions and their ages range from 14-61, according to the Toledo Police Department. No arrests have been made as of Monday afternoon. 

There have been 217 mass shootings in the United States so far this year, according to MassShootingTracker.site. 

The shooting happened Saturday night around 5:37 p.m. near the Old West End, a historic Toledo neighborhood that was celebrating its 53rd annual festival. 

“It’s just a shame when a few people, for whatever reason going through their head, decide to disrupt something that has been a beloved community event for many, many, many years,” Toledo Deputy Police Chief Joe Heffernan said during a Saturday night press conference. 

There were at least two shooters who were likely shooting at each other, he said. 

“If we have some people out there, some groups of young people that are thinking that this is exciting, it’s not,” Heffernan said. “This is a perfect example of how, when bullets start flying, they can go anywhere, they can strike anybody.” 

Toledo Police are asking for the community’s help and for people to come to share any videos they might have taken that could lead to the suspects. 

“I am deeply concerned about the situation in Toledo,” Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine said. “Summer festivals should be safe spaces for families to spend time together without fear of violence. Fran and I are praying for everyone impacted by the incident at the Old West End Festival.”

DeWine signed a bill into law in 2022 that got rid of all training, background check, and permitting requirements to carry a concealed weapon.

A 2021 law no longer requires people to retreat before they can justifiably hurt or kill someone with a gun in self-defense.  

Ohio received an F on the Giffords annual gun law scorecard. 

“(Ohio) has very, very weak gun laws,” said Danniyal Ahmed, a senior federal policy attorney with Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. 

“We really hope the legislature takes this opportunity to maybe reconsider its strategy on this policy area.”

Ohio state Sen. Willis Blackshear Jr., D-Dayton, called on his fellow lawmakers to take action on gun legislation. 

“This isn’t a Democrat issue or a Republican issue, but a human issue,” he said in a statement Monday. 

“I’m asking Governor DeWine to revisit the commonsense gun legislation he proposed after the 2019 mass shooting in Dayton and fight for its passage. Gun violence is an expense that our cities and our state can no longer afford.”

After a 2019 mass shooting in Dayton killed nine people, chants of “do something” drowned out Gov. DeWine’s speech during a vigil for the victims. 

Ohio politicians were quick to offer their thoughts and prayers.

“Our community is in pain as a result of senseless gun violence in Toledo’s storied Old West End community,” Ohio Democratic U.S. Rep. Marcy Kaptur said. Kaptur represents the Toledo area in Congress.

“Praying now for victims and our Old West End community — one of the most joyous and celebrated events in our region will endure. It will take time and work to restore comfort, security, and trust.”

Derek Merrin, a Republican who is competing for Kaptur’s seat in Congress in the general election, thanked the first responders. 

“Please join me in praying for the victims, their families, and everyone affected by tonight’s shooting,” Merrin said. “Let’s pray that law enforcement will apprehend the individuals who carried out this horrendous act.”

Ohio Republican U.S. Sen. Jon Husted said he is praying for those affected by the “senseless violence.”  

Ohio Republican U.S. Sen. Bernie Moreno said he has been in touch with Toledo authorities. 

“To the thugs behind this lawless violence: we will find you, arrest you, and prosecute you to the fullest extent of the law. This will not stand,” Moreno said in a statement. 

Ohio’s gun legislation

Ohio Senate Republicans recently passed a bill that would penalize local governments for enacting gun safety regulations. 

Ohio Senate Bill 278 allows anyone to sue municipalities that have gun safety laws. It also would let judges fine cities, award money to plaintiffs, and require cities to pay all legal fees. Ohio Senator Terry Johnson, R-McDermott, introduced the bill. 

Ohio Senate Bill 392 would ban cities or townships from making their own weapons restrictions by making gun and knife laws uniform across Ohio. Ohio Sen. Al Cutrona, R-Canfield, and Johnson introduced the bill, which has had one hearing. 

Ohio Democratic lawmakers introduced various bills intended to prevent gun violence, but they have had no hearings so far. They include:

• Ohio House Bill 45 would prohibit certain firearm transfers without a background check. Ohio Reps. Cecil Thomas, D-Cincinnati, and Rep. Rachel Baker, D-Cincinnati, introduced the bill. 

• Ohio House Bill 351 would create the Ohio Task Force on Gun Violence, which would study gun violence as well as programs to reduce gun violence. Ohio Reps. Darnell T. Brewer, D-Cleveland, and Karen Brownlee, D-Symmes Twp., introduced the bill. 

• Ohio House Bill 901 would penalize adults who leave firearms accessible to minors. Brewer introduced the bill.

Requiring background checks on all gun sales and having laws in place to prevent children from accessing firearms are two starting points when it comes to reducing gun violence, Ahmed said. 

“When we see these events that are both really horrific and also gain state and national attention, that’s the time for politicians to actually look to see what has worked in other places, and what the weaknesses in their state’s laws, and take action,” he said. 

Follow Ohio Capital Journal Reporter Megan Henry on X or on Bluesky.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The Ohio House Children and Human Services Committee held its own version of a vote-a-rama, passing the four bills in rapid succession.

Ohio House Bill 647, one of two bills that sought to bolster the state’s system for investigating childcare funding fraud, was passed after multiple hearings and amendments to the bill.

Both childcare fraud bills received criticism for separate issues from childcare providers and local prosecuting attorneys throughout the committee consideration process.

National scrutiny of childcare facilities cropped up following a right-wing influencer’s claims that Minnesota childcare facilities, particularly those run by Somali immigrants, were misusing federal funds.

The Trump administration temporarily froze funds to Minnesota and other Democratically-led cities, questioning the legitimacy of fund usage at some facilities.

While Ohio was not targeted, Gov. Mike DeWine and Kara Wente, head of the Ohio Department of Children & Youth, sought to get ahead of concerns, standing behind the oversight of childcare facilities in the state, particularly those who receive federal funding for publicly funded childcare.

H.B. 647 came about as part of the defense of the state’s system, a GOP-led effort to add layers of investigation to the system through the Ohio Attorney General’s Office and Ohio Inspector General’s Office, and spell out other regulations within the system.

The bill had the support of Wente, who said provisions in the bill were goals of the department already.

The committee also moved Ohio House Bill 7, Ohio House Bill 484, and Ohio Senate Bill 218, along for a full House vote, which could happen before the legislature goes on summer break.

The chair of the committee, state Rep. Andrea White, R-Kettering, is co-sponsoring H.B. 7, which would guarantee publicly funded childcare for those who take care of foster children and family members like grandchildren or siblings.

Caregivers are required under the bill to have a job or be in an education or other training program to be eligible for the publicly funded childcare.

H.B. 484 is also a Republican-led bill, one that would create a new pilot program specifically for childcare workers.

Under the bill, the Workforce Investment Now for Child Care program would be established within the Ohio Department of Children and Youth, and publicly funded childcare would be provided to children of childcare facility employees, without consideration of household income.

The bill creates exceptions for child day camp employees and administrators, along with owners of childcare facilities, according to an analysis by the Legislative Service Commission.

The Children & Youth department will be required to complete a report on findings from the pilot program within six months of the end of the program. The bill appropriated $20 million for the program.

This is not the first pilot program to be sent through the legislature related to childcare. A cost-sharing pilot program became part of the most recent operating budget the state passed, appropriating state funds to start a program that would split up the cost of childcare between the state, employers and eligible employees.

That program is also under the purview of the Ohio Department of Children & Youth.

Ohio Senate Bill 218 addresses a very specific population of kids: those whose parents are in the armed forces.

The bill exempts family childcare providers who have already been certified by any military branch from state license requirements, to avoid duplicative regulations.

“Passing Senate Bill 218 would add Ohio to a growing list of states seeking to expand access to quality childcare for military families and reduce barriers for military spouses who support their families by operating family childcare homes and move frequently between states with differing licensure requirements,” said bill sponsor state Sen. Kristina Roegner, R-Hudson, during the first hearing of the bill on Monday.

The bill also had the support of child advocacy group Groundwork Ohio, according to the group’s vice president, Brittany Boulton.

“By aligning state policy with existing federal oversight … this bill offers a practical solution that supports military families and the providers who serve them without reducing accountability or quality,” Boulton told the committee.

The House heard a companion bill with similar language, and because of the companion bill, White said the committee had “basically heard this bill,” and moved forward with passage of S.B. 218.

“I understand there is broad support for this bill,” White said before its unanimous passage.

All the bills passed Monday will now move to the Ohio House for a full vote.

House-originated bills will need to move through the Ohio Senate before moving on for the governor’s signature.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Brian Massie, a campaign leader and the co-founder of AxOHTax, announced early Friday that the group hasn’t reached its goal of collecting 620,000 signatures.

Facing a July 1 deadline to submit petitions to the Ohio Secretary of State, he and fellow volunteers have decided to hold off — for now.

To qualify for the ballot, organizers needed to turn in 413,488 valid voter signatures. They’ve been trying to collect plenty of extras, since thousands of signatures routinely get thrown out during the state’s verification process.

“We thought that we would need quite a buffer,” Massie said during an interview with WEWS.

During a news conference in late April, Massie said the campaign had amassed 305,000 signatures. On Friday, he refused to provide an updated total.

“We’re declaring war on the legislators,” he said, describing some members of the General Assembly as callous and slow to act. “And when you’re at war, you never give the enemy any intel. Giving them information — specifically how many signatures — that’s like giving them intel.”

Massie and his fellow organizers say they’ve lost confidence in politicians in Columbus. They’re reflecting the outrage of elderly taxpayers, in particular, who feel overburdened and ignored.

The proposed constitutional amendment would scrap property taxes entirely — on housing, commercial, and industrial real estate and land.

There’s a growing anti-tax movement across the country, as cash-strapped homeowners feel the pain of post-pandemic house-price spikes, broader inflation and tax levies. But no state has jettisoned real estate taxes entirely.

Opponents say eliminating property taxes is a drastic move. Ohio governments would have to make deep cuts, sharply raise other types of taxes or do a combination of both things to have any chance at making up the difference.

“What it ends up being is a tax shell game, the biggest tax shell game you could imagine,” state Sen. Jerry Cirino, a Kirtland Republican, said during an interview Friday. “Because, yeah, we can get rid of property taxes. But then sales tax will have to be tripled. … Homeowners, individuals will end up, I think, paying more in tax. Just different types of taxes. And that doesn’t really solve the problem.”

A coalition called Ohioans to Protect Public Services, which includes firefighters, police, teachers, and librarians, issued a statement Friday morning calling the push to abolish all property taxes “reckless” and pledging to continue fighting the effort.

“Local property taxes pay for services Ohioans count on every day, including police, fire and EMS, 911, public schools, senior services, supports for children and people with disabilities, to name just a few,” Jen Detwiler, a representative for the coalition, said in a written statement.

“Eliminating two-thirds of local tax revenue overnight does not make those needs disappear — it forces our state into impossible choices: severe cuts to local services, massive increases in sales and income taxes, or both.”

Massie said lawmakers in Columbus now have another year to prove they can make meaningful reforms, while the signature-gathering continues.

“We’re saying okay, let’s give the legislators more time. And let’s see what they do,” he said, challenging lawmakers to cut spending and bureaucracy.

The General Assembly approved a handful of tax-relief measures late last year, but homeowners aren’t feeling the effects of those changes yet.

The reforms included some property-tax credits and rollbacks, changes to the math around school levies, adjustments to the state review process for county reappraisals and increases in oversight powers for county budget commissions.

Lawmakers expect those updates to yield $2.4 billion to $3 billion worth of savings for homeowners over the next few years.

“Next month, with the tax bills coming out, people will start to see it,” Cirino said of the impact. “Particularly if you write a check twice a year to pay your property taxes, it will be very visible to you. If you pay through your mortgage, you’re going to have to look for it a bit harder than people who are paying taxes directly.”

He said lawmakers are still discussing additional reforms. “We have a number of bills in both the House and Senate,” he said.

Cirino said he’s sympathetic to homeowners who are struggling.

But he’s clearly fed up with the anti-tax campaign — which faces long odds, as a volunteer-led effort that’s been gathering signatures for just over a year. As signatures age, they’re more likely to get tossed because voters move or die.

“I’m not sure whether these people are delusional or not,” Cirino said, “but they haven’t done their homework. I don’t think they’ve put the intellectual rigor behind evaluating this problem and what the right solution is.”

So far, Massie isn’t impressed with the legislature’s actions. And he views the campaign’s shortfall as a delay — not a defeat.

“We will continue to collect these signatures. And we’re going to prove Jerry Cirino wrong,” Massie said.

As for whether that will happen next year? “My response is, it’s in God’s hands,” he said.

Michelle Jarboe is the business growth and development reporter at News 5 Cleveland. Follow her on X @MJarboe or email her at Michelle.Jarboe@wews.com.

This article was originally published on News5Cleveland.com and is published in the Ohio Capital Journal under a content-sharing agreement. Unlike other OCJ articles, it is not available for free republication by other news outlets as it is owned by WEWS in Cleveland.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The original legislation was passed when Republican Gov. James Rhodes held office. The open meeting laws were passed under Democratic Gov. John Gilligan. This shows that public record disclosure was not a partisan issue.

But now the Republican-dominated Ohio Supreme Court just threw a giant wrench into the gears of Ohio’s public records laws, causing major damage to people seeking public documents.

Republicans no longer want transparency or disclosure. They want to control the documents and control the public narrative.

On May 27, the six Republicans on the court banded together to halt discovery proceedings in a case that required the production of certain public records and the deposition (oral testimony under oath before trial) of then-Ohio Attorney General David Yost.

The court sent the case back to the 10th District Court of Appeals (Franklin County) for that court to review and amend the scope of discovery limiting what the plaintiff could rightfully demand in seeking public records.

Why you should care

The right for anyone to be able to see and receive public records should be inviolate. We must be able to see exactly how our public institutions are operating. We need to be able to peek behind the curtains of governmental secrecy at any time.

Our right to public records should not be compromised or politicized.

The majority decision by the Ohio Supreme Court was a political one. It supported a Republican Attorney General who looks to be trying to evade Ohio’s clear public record statutes to protect from sunlight on pro-Trump political activities.

It is as if the justices knew the decision they wanted to make to support Yost and then tortured their legal arguments and reasoning to support that decision.

More importantly, I see a Republican-dominated Ohio Supreme Court chipping away at the state’s public records statutes to promote secrecy in government, as a tenet of the MAGA form of Republicanism.

Ohio once was a bipartisan pioneer in public transparency. It is sad to see strong public records laws being diluted by legislative fiats and partisan Supreme Court decisions.

Unfortunately, what the United States Supreme Court is to the Trump Administration, the Ohio Supreme Court is to the MAGA Ohio General Assembly.

This Ohio Supreme Court even has gone so far as to now allow elected judges in Ohio to endorse candidates for any political office.

In April the Ohio Supreme Court, in a 5-1 decision overturned the state’s decades-old ban on judges publicly endorsing political candidates.

That made Ohio the first — and only — state in the nation to explicitly allow state judges and judicial candidates to endorse politicians running for office.

I have no faith in Ohio’s top court to call out governmental impropriety or secrecy.

Therefore, the people need to fight all the harder to make sure our public offices and public officials comply with public records statutes and open meeting laws. We must fight back.

Every time a city, the county, or a university refuses to give public records, they must be fought to demand the people’s right to information.

If not, we will have a government dominated by secrecy and deceit, and not a government open to the people.

Case breakdown

Let me break down the case of Center for Media and Democracy v. Attorney General David Yost.

The parties

The plaintiff describes itself as a governmental nonpartisan anti-corruption watchdog group called the Center for Media and Democracy. An active party on behalf of the plaintiff is David Armiak, who heads research for the center.

The defendant is David Yost, who was Ohio Attorney General at the time. He resigned in early May to the Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative Christian advocacy group.

The facts

In 2020, the Center, through Armiak, asked Yost and his chief of staff to provide copies of records related to his involvement with the Republican Attorneys General Association (RAGA), the Rule of Law Defense Fund (RLDF), and his attendance at RAGA’s 2020 winter meeting. These are conservative, GOP-based organizations that promote litigation to support President Donald Trump.

The center asked for:

All records that pertain to [RAGA], [RLDF], and the RAGA Winter Meeting held February 29 through March 2 from the Office of Attorney General Dave Yost. The scope of this request includes the Attorney General and Chief of Staff. The scope of this request should include but is not limited to emails, attachments, both sent and received, all draft records, briefing books, memos, notes, minutes, scheduling records, text messages, other correspondence (internal and external) and all other records.

Yost responded that the documents being sought were not records of his office, but instead were personal records and therefore did not come under the public records umbrella.

Armiak disagreed and sent an email to the attorney general stating that Yost and his chief of staff’s interactions with RAGA and RLFD were laced with extensive matters of public policy, and that while participating Yost and his staff were conducting public business. He also stated that Yost and his staff attended events sponsored by RAGA and RLFD in their “official capacities” representing the State of Ohio.

Yost countered saying that his office had no “email, test, drafts, memo, minutes, or other correspondence records” requested and repeated that other information was not public record.

Tenth District Court of Appeals

The center did not believe Yost and filed a legal action against him to provide the records. The lawsuit was for a writ of mandamus from the Tenth District Court of Appeals. In essence, the center was asking the court to mandate that the attorney general and his office provide the public records requested.

The court of appeals appointed a magistrate (a lawyer who is not a judge but makes recommendations to the judges) to hear the case.

As part of that litigation, the center attempted to get the documents through a civil discovery process. Discovery is a multifaceted process for gaining information from opponents prior to a case going to trial.

The center used 16 requests for production of documents which, in a civil case, demands that the opponent provide documents prior to trial for the parties’ and the court’s review.

The center also issued eight interrogatories to Yost. Interrogatories are written questions that need to be answered under oath by a party prior to trial.

Additionally, the center asked that Yost sit for a two-hour, under oath, deposition to answer questions about the documents that were not provided. Depositions were also requested from several of Yost’s staff members.

The Tenth District Court of Appeals gave the center the right to pursue these forms of discovery. The magistrate granted the center’s demand that Yost produce documents, with the caveat that some of the documents would be reviewed privately by the magistrate (in camera review) to determine if they should be given to the center.

The magistrate also ordered Yost and his staff members to participate in the depositions.

Yost disagreed with the magistrate’s rulings and appealed the Tenth District’s ruling to the Ohio Supreme Court, consisting of seven justices chosen in statewide elections.

The Supreme Court decision

In a 6-1 decision, the Ohio Supreme Court struck down the Tenth District’s ruling, thereby vacating the Tenth District’s discovery order.

The six members of the court agreeing with Yost are all Republicans, as is Yost. The lone Democratic justice on the court, Justice Jennifer Brunner, filed a written dissenting opinion.

The decision, written by Justice Patrick F. Fischer, vacated the orders, saying the Tenth District Court of Appeals “misapplied the law and abused its discretion” in granting the center’s motion to compel the attorney general to comply with discovery measures.

The court vacated the Tenth District’s order demanding discovery compliance and remanded it (sent it back) to the court of appeals for that court to properly apply the discovery rules as outlined by the supreme court.

Let’s try to succinctly summarize the court’s 28-page decision.

The decision states that court-mandated discovery must be limited to what is “relevant and proportional” to the case. The court used the Ohio Rules of Civil Procedure (rules governing how a civil case proceeds) as authority.

The supreme court said that in a public records request case, the “relevant and proportional” standard goes to whether the documents requested are or are not public records under the statutory definition.

Discovery must be limited to arguments that the documents are public records and defenses that they are not, according to the court.

Justice Fischer’s opinion stated that the Tenth District’s order inappropriately mandated the attorney general to produce information beyond what was “relevant and proportional” to the question of whether the documents requested fit the definition of “public records.”

“The court of appeals, in our view, placed the proverbial cart before the horse,” Fischer stated.

The dissenting opinion

Democratic Justice Jennifer Brunner issued an 18-page written dissent. A “dissenting opinion” does not carry the weight of a majority opinion, but it does state a firm position of a justice against the majority view.

In essence, she said the court’s majority substituted its judgment in favor of the attorney general over the broad discretion given, by law, to the Tenth District Court of Appeals.

She also noted that the court did not give the appellate courts any guidance for managing discovery in a public records case.

She argues that the court of appeals, in fact, applied the discovery rules properly, especially given the behavior of the attorney general and his office and the appellate orders should have been maintained.

Justice Brunner stated that the attorney general’s reasoning for not releasing the documents had shifted and evolved — at one point, he even said some of the documents were, in fact, public records. Therefore, she thinks the many and varied attempts for discovery to lock him down was appropriate by the court of appeals.

“The approach employed by the court of appeals in determining what information would be relevant to the claims and defenses of the parties was not unreasonable, especially in the light of the attorney general’s office’s evasive conduct and evolving defenses,” the dissent says.

Justice Brunner says that the court’s majority opinion limits governmental transparency.

Although the decision may be in sync with the new era of governmental secrecy, Brunner disagrees.

She ends her dissent saying: “Public scrutiny through broad access to public records is a fundamental tenet of the people of Ohio’s right to exercise self-governance. … As this court continues to whittle the public’s right to examine the public’s own records into almost nothing, I ask the people of Ohio to consider whether this is consistent with their collective ideas and values. I have grave doubt that the people of Ohio consent to their government operating in secrecy. I therefore continue my adamant dissent to this court’s path of enabling the government to do so.”

This commentary was originally published by the Athens County Independent.

In Inside Courts, retired judge Tom Hodson explains the complexities of the law and legal cases, helping you understand what’s at stake — and how it affects you.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

He played sports, cared about his health and stayed away from drugs. In 2018, when he left West Hartford to start his freshman year at American University in Washington, D.C., she expected his biggest challenge would be adjusting to college life.

Instead, she said, he began using cannabis to cope with social anxiety and as a sleep aid.

Within months, Wadsworth’s son was calling home in the middle of the night, terrified and disoriented.

Over the next several years, his behavior became increasingly erratic, he had psychotic episodes and he was eventually diagnosed with severe cannabis use disorder. That’s when a person’s marijuana use becomes difficult to control and begins interfering with daily life.

Now 25, Wadsworth’s son has spent much of the past several years cycling through hospitals and treatment programs across the country.

“It’s definitely changed the trajectory of his life,” Wadsworth said. “It did nothing but harm him, literally harm every facet of his life — every facet, physical, mental, everything.”

States have spent the past several decades debating whether to legalize cannabis. Now, they are debating how intoxicating legal products should be.

A growing body of research suggests that frequent use of high-THC cannabis increases the risk of cannabis use disorder, psychosis and other mental health problems for users, particularly adolescents and young adults. In response, lawmakers in some states this year have moved to impose stricter potency caps, while others have scaled back or rejected such measures amid industry opposition and uncertainty over research findings.

While cannabis flower once commonly contained THC levels in the single digits, many products sold legally today contain 15% to 20% THC or more. Concentrates — such as waxes, oils and shatter — can exceed 80%.

About 15% of Americans ages 12 and older reported using marijuana in the past month in 2024, according to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. And about 3 in 10 people who use cannabis have cannabis use disorder, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Some public health researchers and addiction specialists argue that public perceptions of marijuana have not kept pace with the growing availability of high potency products. They say broader legalization efforts — including the federal government’s recent move to reclassify medical marijuana as a less restrictive drug under the Controlled Substances Act — may reinforce the belief that cannabis is harmless.

“Moving cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III doesn’t help me save lives by decreasing the perception of that risk,” said Dr. Alta DeRoo, the chief medical officer of the Hazelden Betty Ford Foundation, one of the largest nonprofit treatment providers for addiction and mental health. DeRoo also is a board-certified addiction medicine physician and OB-GYN.

Some state efforts to impose potency limits have been stalled by resistance from the cannabis industry and questions about how far governments should go in regulating a legal product.

In Connecticut, lawmakers this year reinstated a 35% THC cap on flower just weeks after voting to eliminate it. Lawmakers from both sides of the aisle said they were concerned about the potential public health effects of increasingly potent marijuana products.

At the same time, the legislation moved forward with other cannabis market expansions. Lawmakers removed a 70% THC cap on concentrates, increased the amount of THC allowed in certain cannabis-infused beverages and expanded the market to include products such as topicals, tablets and capsules.

Proposals to cap THC potency have surfaced in statehouses across the country for years. This year, lawmakers in California, Georgia, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Oregon and South Dakota introduced similar measures, though most did not advance.

Georgia Republican Gov. Brian Kemp signed a law in May that removes the state’s previous 5% THC potency cap starting July 1. The new law will also add a 12,000 mg possession limit for registered medical cannabis patients and allow patients over 21 to vaporize medical marijuana.

‘A perennial debate’

Lawmakers across the country have proposed a range of measures aimed at limiting the potency of cannabis products.

In Washington state, Democratic state Rep. Lauren Davis has spent years trying to place guardrails on high-potency cannabis products. Since 2020, she has introduced at least five bills that would have capped THC levels in concentrates or imposed safeguards, including age restrictions, warning labels and a higher tax rate on products with elevated THC levels.

Most of those measures were thwarted by opposition from the cannabis industry, Davis told Stateline.

Industry groups and cannabis businesses argued that Washington’s existing regulations already protected consumers and kept cannabis away from minors. Opponents also warned that limiting high-THC products would drive consumers to the illicit market, hurting legal businesses and exposing users to unregulated, possibly contaminated products.

“(The industry) then went on to basically rain down all fire and brimstone and crush every bill that I’ve ever attempted in this area,” Davis said.

The only proposal to become law was a 2024 measure that requires retailers to warn customers about the association between high-potency THC products and psychotic disorders.

Washington state does not currently impose THC caps on flower or concentrates, but it does set limits on edibles and beverages.

Nearly all states have some form of medical-only or hybrid medical and recreational cannabis program, but just eight states, Connecticut, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island and Vermont, have potency caps on some products, including flower, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. Potency limits on edibles are far more common.

“This is a perennial debate that comes up in Vermont and elsewhere around higher potency products,” said James Pepper, who chairs the Vermont Cannabis Control Board, the agency that regulates the state’s market.

“I feel like the concerns are certainly real,” he added.

In Oklahoma, a recent incident in which a 4-year-old boy was hospitalized and remained unconscious for more than a day after his parents said he ingested a 1,000 mg edible found at a playground has added to growing debate over high-potency cannabis products in the state.

“We know that some of our medical patients truly do need higher potency products, but do we really need a 2,000 milligram gummy available for anyone with a patient license to purchase in an Oklahoma dispensary?” said Adria Berry, the executive director of the Oklahoma Medical Marijuana Authority, which oversees the state’s medical market.

Oklahoma Republican Gov. Kevin Stitt also signed a measure into law last month that will take effect in November, adding stricter packaging and labeling requirements, including restrictions intended to prevent products from resembling candy or appealing to children.

While some industry experts acknowledge the potential harms, they say the focus should be on consumer education and clear information about potency and effects, rather than new restrictions.

An official with Trulieve, a cannabis company that operates dispensaries in eight states, told Stateline that its products are independently tested and that potency information is available for customers to review and ask questions about, including a product’s effects.

“We believe that that piece of information is critical for a consumer to make an educated decision on what type and what potency of product they are looking to consume,” said Lauren Niehaus, Trulieve’s executive director of government relations.

Some advocacy and trade groups, such as the National Cannabis Industry Association and the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML), argue that policymakers should steer consumers into tightly regulated legal markets rather than imposing blanket THC caps that could push some users back to illicit sellers. They say that accurate labeling, child-resistant packaging and public education campaigns are the best strategies to protect public health and prevent youth access.

“It’s undoubtedly safer and better for public health outcomes to regulate these products,” said Adam Rosenberg, who chairs the board of the National Cannabis Industry Association.

Paul Armentano, NORML’s deputy director, said potency caps oversimplify the risks of cannabis products and fail to account for how consumers actually use them. Consumers view ultra-potent products as a novelty, he said, and ultimately gravitate toward lower-potency options.

“When you look at state-tracked sales in legal states, cannabis flower or botanical cannabis still outsells every other product, and I would dare say it’s because that is the most moderate to low potency product available on the shelf, and that’s what most people want,” Armentano said.

Armentano also argued that some of the strongest calls for THC limits come from opponents of legalization, who see potency restrictions as a way to gradually roll back access to legal cannabis.

What the research says

A study published earlier this year in JAMA Health Forum found that adolescents who use cannabis, including products with higher potencies, had a significantly increased risk of developing psychotic and bipolar disorders, along with higher risks of depression and anxiety. The research followed about 463,000 adolescents in Northern California between ages 13 and 17 and tracked outcomes into early adulthood. The study did not, however examine whether the use of higher-potency products is more likely to cause psychotic and bipolar disorders.

But other research has linked frequent use of high-potency cannabis to a greater risk of psychosis and psychotic disorders, particularly among heavy users. Several studies have found a dose-response relationship, meaning the risk tends to rise as THC concentration and frequency of use increase. Experts caution, however, that many studies cannot definitively prove that cannabis causes psychosis and that individual risk varies widely.

Other research suggests the risk of developing psychosis may be higher for adolescents and young adults, whose brains are still developing, as well as people with existing mental health conditions or a family history of psychotic disorders.

“I’ve seen patients come through our facilities where they haven’t done any other drugs other than just high-potency marijuana, and their psychosis is remarkable,” said DeRoo, of the Hazelden Betty Ford Foundation. “They don’t have a grasp of reality. They come in seeing things, they come in believing things, alternate realities.”

John Puls, a psychotherapist and addiction specialist in Florida, has seen similar patterns in his practice at Full Life Comprehensive Care, particularly among adolescents and young adults using high-potency products.

He said families often don’t believe cannabis alone could be driving such dramatic changes. Beyond psychosis, he added, cannabis can chip away at more ordinary parts of life: Motivation drops, executive functioning suffers, patients miss appointments or forget obligations, and short‑term memory and relationships start to fray.

Some medical and industry experts say that cannabis can provide meaningful relief for some people, including those undergoing cancer treatment or who have chronic pain. But there is very little consensus on appropriate medical uses, dosing and long-term effects, particularly as products vary widely in potency.

“If there’s no standardized testing of products, or if there’s no enforcement of potency limits, then we might be putting people at more risk,” said Dr. Smita Das, an adult addiction psychiatrist and a clinical professor at Stanford University School of Medicine.

Stateline reporter Amanda Watford can be reached at awatford@stateline.org.

This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

“I believe representatives must put people before party and stay present and accountable to their communities,” Shaver said in announcing the tour. “This is in stark contrast to my opponent, who has not held a town hall in well over a decade.”

Latta, a Republican who has represented the district since 2007, declined a constituent-organized town hall request in April 2025, with his office telling Toledo’s WTVG he would not participate in what it characterized as “orchestrated disruptions to create media spectacles.” The station reported that the last event listed on Latta’s congressional website district events page dated to 2015.

Shaver said the sessions are open to residents across the political spectrum.

“I want to hear from constituents from all sides of the aisle,” he said. “An open, civil dialogue is necessary for our democracy to thrive and for us to restore the true meaning of ‘We the People’ to our federal government.”

The tour builds on Shaver’s May campaign kickoff at Mi Tequilas in Fostoria. The first listening session takes place in Crawford County on Tuesday, June 30, at Mi Cerrito, 741 Portland Way S., Galion, from 7 to 9 p.m.

The remaining schedule:

• Lorain County: Tuesday, July 14, 7–9 p.m. — Tacos del Pueblo, North Ridgeville

• Seneca County: Tuesday, July 21, 7–9 p.m. — Xcaret Mexican Restaurant, Tiffin

• Wood County: Tuesday, July 28, 7–9 p.m. — El Zarape, Bowling Green

• Richland County: Tuesday, Aug. 11, 7–9 p.m. — El Campestre, Ontario

• Sandusky County: Tuesday, Aug. 25, 7–9 p.m. — Casa Fiesta, Fremont

• Huron County: Tuesday, Sept. 8, 7–9 p.m. — Casa Bravos, Norwalk

• Wyandot County: Tuesday, Sept. 22, 7–9 p.m. — La Fragua, Nevada

• Hancock County: Tuesday, Sept. 29, 6–8 p.m. — Taco Fiesta Hinojosa, Findlay

Shaver, 48, is president of Fostoria City Council and teaches social studies at Fostoria Junior/Senior High School. He won the May 5 Democratic primary, narrowly defeating 3 challengers, and faces Latta in the Nov. 3 general election.

A full schedule of events is available at brianshaverforcongress.com/events.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Justin Salsburey, 43, of Bellefontaine, was arrested Dec. 30, 2025 alongside his wife, Ruthann Rankin, 38, an Urbana City Schools teacher, on charges of conspiracy to distribute and possession with intent to distribute fentanyl and methamphetamine. According to federal court documents, the couple allegedly received 261 suspected drug parcels through the U.S. mail between August 2024 and December 2025. A search of their home on Dec. 30 turned up 264 grams of fentanyl pills, 938 grams of methamphetamine pills and 19 grams of MDMA, according to the criminal complaint.

Salsburey was employed by ARK Protection Group, a Wayne County-based private security firm contracted to protect the Ramaswamy family. “The private security firm that hired Salsburey, ARK Protection Group, immediately removed him from the Ramaswamy family’s security detail,” campaign spokesperson Connie Luck said in a statement at the time.

According to the Drug Enforcement Administration, one kilogram of fentanyl has the potential to kill 500,000 people. Applied to the 264 grams recovered at Salsburey’s home, that ratio yields an estimated potential death toll of approximately 132,000 — a figure the DEA itself uses as a benchmark for seized quantities of the drug.

Despite the arrest, the Ramaswamy campaign continued paying ARK Protection Group. According to Ohio Secretary of State campaign finance records, the campaign paid ARK $12,000 on Jan. 8, 2026 — 9 days after the arrest and the same day the story became widely reported. The campaign had paid ARK a total of approximately $61,971 since April 2025 prior to that payment.

On Jan. 16, 2026, Luck released a statement confirming the campaign would find new security: “Vivek and Apoorva are parents first and they put the security of their family first. In light of last week’s deeply troubling developments, the Ramaswamy family has begun the process of relieving Ark Protection Group of their responsibilities and transitioning to a new service provider.”

Four days later, on Jan. 20, the campaign made one additional payment to ARK — $2,000, according to the same campaign finance records filed with the state. The total paid to ARK Protection Group between April 2025 and Jan. 20, 2026 was $75,971, per the Ohio Secretary of State records.

ARK Protection Group founder Ron Gazboda issued a statement saying the firm regretted disappointing the Ramaswamy family. “Their safety and protection remain our utmost priority, and we are supporting them as they transition to a new security service provider,” Gazboda said.

According to Cleveland.com, ARK Protection Group closed on Jan. 21, 2026 — one day after the final payment. Owner Gazboda reportedly notified the Ohio Department of Public Safety in writing that he had “ceased providing security services” and was closing the company, following reports that two of ARK’s bodyguards were unregistered in Ohio and a third had been charged with federal drug trafficking.

Ramaswamy is the Republican nominee for Ohio governor and is expected to face Democrat Amy Acton in the November general election. He did not respond to a request for comment on the post-announcement payment.

Ohio recorded 4,452 unintentional drug overdose deaths in 2023, according to the Ohio Department of Health — a 9% decline from 4,915 in 2022. Fentanyl was involved in 78% of those deaths.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Trump said he was invoking the Cold War-era Defense Production Act, which gives the president authority over domestic industry, to save 13 existing power plants and build two new ones. He said the move would save 14,000 coal jobs and lower energy costs, though the spending will not lower the price of gasoline or diesel fuel, which has spiked since Trump launched a war with Iran in February.

Trump criticized subsidies for wind power championed by Democrats, including his predecessor, Joe Biden, characterizing coal as the most important energy source to cultivate.

“It’s real power,” Trump said. “In terms of power, there’s really nothing like it. We have so many different alternatives. You talk about some, there’s no real alternative.” 

New coal plants would be built in Alaska and West Virginia, Trump said. A defunct plant in Maryland would also be restarted. Those projects would be funded with $200 million in Department of Energy grants.

Coal plants receiving a combined $425 million in Defense Production Act funding are in West Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Indiana, Tennessee, Arkansas, Arizona, Oklahoma, North Dakota and Wisconsin, according to the White House.

Coal mines benefiting from the move are in Pennsylvania, Kentucky, West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wyoming, North Dakota and New Mexico, according to the White House.

The administration would also spend $75 million, authorized by the Defense Production Act, to help open a long-delayed new coal export terminal in Oakland, California, the White House said.

Administration officials said Thursday’s announcement built on a record of the past 18 months in which the administration has saved dozens of coal production facilities.

“It is hard to overstate the magnitude of this,” Energy Secretary Chris Wright said. “If you look at our efforts across the whole government, so far 45 coal plants are open today that would not be open.”

Republican approval

Trump Cabinet members, congressional Republicans and two governors, Wyoming’s Mark Gordon and West Virginia’s Patrick Morrissey, joined Trump for the Oval Office announcement, with several extolling the importance of the coal industry after Trump spoke.

Wright, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum and Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin praised Trump for intervening to help the industry and refocusing federal energy policy away from renewables.

Wright said Democratic policies were more responsible for high energy costs than the war in Iran, even though Republicans have held unified control of the federal government since January 2025 and the Trump administration has consistently touted its moves to encourage fossil fuel production.

“We wish they were lower, but gasoline prices in the U.S. are a little over $4. They’re $10 in Europe, they’re higher in Asia, they’re very high in California,” Wright said. The national average price for regular gasoline Thursday was $4.24 per gallon. 

“The bigger threat to energy prices in the United States is Democratic green energy policies,” Wright continued. “They have driven up energy prices far more than a conflict in Iran.”

Burgum said the president was perhaps the strongest advocate for coal in the country’s history.

He echoed Trump’s statements that the coal industry needed to be reinvigorated after the Biden administration focused more on renewable energy production.

“The prior administration, under Biden, had gone so far down the path of pursuing the highly subsidized, intermittent, weather-dependent sources of electricity that our grid was at risk. You understood that and you understood how key coal is,” Burgum told Trump. “It’s the backbone of having affordable, reliable and secure American energy to power our country, our electric grid, power our competitiveness in AI, and power all the manufacturing that’s coming back.”

Morrissey said the moves would benefit his state.

“We believe your policies are going to allow America to compete and win,” Morrissey said. “West Virginia is going to supply the coal, the gas, the nuclear to help make that happen. So I’m very excited by everything you’re doing.”

Greens decry ‘polluter handout’

Environmental groups blasted the move, saying it propped up a failing industry and would have little long-term impact on energy prices or reliability.

Jesse Lee, a senior adviser with the advocacy group Climate Power, said the spending on coal projects would not lower utility prices, which he said have climbed 18% during Trump’s second term.

“He’s gaslighting the American people by claiming that this move will lower electricity prices in the middle of an energy affordability crisis that he created,” Lee said. 

Environmental groups noted the coal industry heavily contributed to Trump’s 2024 campaign.

Several environmental advocates, including Lena Moffitt, the executive director of the climate group Evergreen Action, suggested that relationship drove Trump to promote coal at the expense of renewable energy sources.

“Spending $700 million to bail out the coal industry is like throwing a lifeline to a ship that has already sunk,” Moffitt wrote. “Trump is handing out taxpayer money to coal barons and leaving us with nothing but higher energy costs. … There’s no coal revival waiting around the corner—just polluters collecting a handout while their friends run the White House and Americans foot the bill.”

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Many lawmakers on Ohio’s Select Committee on Data Centers seem willing to hear out Meta, Amazon, Google and Microsoft. But many ordinary Ohioans have had enough. They’re furious about a string of projects shielded from public view by nondisclosure agreements. They worry about the facilities’ impacts on the environment and the power grid. They argue it’s absurd to hand out tax breaks to trillion-dollar companies.

The rising tide of public animosity and mistrust was on full display early last week. Ohio state Rep. Heidi Workman, R-Rootstown, tried to convey that frustration.

“You’re doing a terrible job actually selling your product,” she told the companies’ representatives. “Respectfully, you’re far behind the narrative on this.”

To put the trust deficit in context, Workman described putting a call out to her constituents the night before.

“Over 90% of the responses I received last night are basically telling me we do not want this, no matter what you say,” she said. “They say that they do not believe anything that the data centers are telling them.”

Although the companies readily acknowledged they could do better a job “telling our story,” it seems doubtful their testimony earned many converts.

Conserve Ohio, a group gathering signatures for a constitutional amendment halting new data centers, certainly wasn’t swayed. In a statement, the organization said the testimony “was tone deaf, empty with generalities, and provided no real answers.”

“We see and hear everything and know who they truly are. They do not fool us,” the group wrote. “Big tech is showing yet again that confidentiality, secrecy, and massive tax breaks are still their top priorities, not Ohio.”

Trying to allay concerns

The hyperscalers did their best to tamp down fears about water contamination, air pollution and rising energy costs.

Google’s Liz Schwab explained “our data centers leave watersheds more resilient, and we’re committed to replenishing 120% of the water we consume globally.”

She acknowledged adding chemicals to their internal water systems but compared it to putting chlorine in your pool to avoid algae. Each company insisted they’re not adding so-called forever chemicals to their systems.

Thor Underdahl from Meta explained the company is aiming to be “water positive” by 2030. Craig Sundstrom from Amazon Web Services said they’re pursuing the same target. Already in Ohio, he added, Amazon uses water for cooling their data centers just 3% of the year — their annual water use amounts to less than two car washes.

As for air quality, Sundstrom said that Amazon has upgraded its backup generators to meet “the most stringent EPA emissions requirements available.” He stressed those generators are also only permitted for emergency use.

“So, under federal EPA and then state implementation regulations, we can only run those for a finite period of hours every year.”

Every one of the companies offered some version of the “pay our own way” pitch Daniel Brown made for Microsoft.

“Our goal is that we do not increase electricity rates for other ratepayers,” he said. “We pay utility rates that are high enough to cover our costs, we pay costs associated with generation, transmission, and distribution upgrades, and we make sure that our costs don’t impact other ratepayers.”

Not quite getting there

As lawmakers began asking questions, though, holes began to appear.

Ohio state Sen. Shane Wilkin, R-Hillsboro, pressed the companies to explain what exactly “covering all the costs” or “we’ll pay our own way” meant to them. Microsoft may not want to raise consumer electricity rates, Wilkin said, but how does that square with the law of supply and demand?

“If there’s 100 megawatts and you need 50,” he said, “and there’s no more (power) brought on, you say, ‘Well, I’m paying for the 50 that I’m getting,’ is that fair to the residential consumers? And how does that not drive up the bills?”

“We don’t always control increases in rates as sometimes people assume,” Brown said, “but anything that we can control, we will pay for our fair share.”

The companies expressed support for a statewide version of the data center tariff recently implemented for AEP Ohio. That pricing agreement requires significant financial commitments on the front end to pay for new infrastructure as well as financial penalties if a data center closes before the end of the agreement.

Still, Sundstrom from Amazon, warned “rate-making is different than energy pricing.” Even with the tariff’s consumer protections in place, he said, outside factors like the COVID-19 pandemic or the war in Ukraine can influence prices.

“Those things are going to necessarily be out of, I think, our individual control, certainly out of the control of Amazon,” he said.

In a narrow win for data center skeptics, Brown told the committee Microsoft will no longer use nondisclosure agreements or seek property tax abatements for its development projects. Wilkin asked the other companies if they’d make the same commitment to forgo abatements. He got no takers.

Schwab, from Google, said those agreements are “a great example of how competitive we all are.” The deals are a way for companies to demonstrate their value to local communities, and she said Google has been responsible for some $21.8 billion in economic activity in Ohio.

“The local revenue and jobs are significant, so we’ll continue to push each other, right?” she said. “But at the end of the day, local governments and the local leaders where we operate will make that call.”

Later, Ohio state Sen. Bill Reineke, R-Tiffin, asked about nondisclosure agreements. Sundstrom defended them as “an important economic development tool,” and put the onus on local leaders.

“It’s a tool for local governments to use if they choose to use them or not,” he said, and encouraged the panel to ask local officials about NDAs when they testify.

“From our perspective,” he said, “they see it as a viable tool in order to foster the type of economic development discussions that they’re interested in having.”

The sales tax exemption

The most widely criticized tax break is Ohio’s sales and use tax exemption. Supporters note tax officials award the incentive on a case-by-case basis. But Ohio lawmakers attempted to repeal it as part of the most recent state budget. Gov. Mike DeWine vetoed that provision.

Last month, Signal Ohio reported the exemption cost the state $1.6 billion — or roughly 11 times original projections. Not long after, DeWine paused new exemptions.

Schwab sought to put a positive spin on the ballooning foregone revenue. “It is an indication of how successful Ohio has been at attracting this industry,” she said, and pointed to an Ohio Chamber report suggesting each incentive dollar brings back $2.10 in other tax revenue.

Each companies’ representative acknowledged they take advantage of the same sales tax exemption. Despite DeWine’s pause on new tax agreements, their existing tax breaks will not be affected.

“If Ohio continues to be successful at attracting data centers, or even if Ohio just sees reinvestment in its existing data centers, that dollar amount will go up, right?” Schwab said. “It’s a sign that companies are reinvesting and spending money on chips and servers in the state of Ohio.”

And that dollar amount could keep going up for a while. Sundstrom said Amazon’s exemption runs through 2055.

Follow Ohio Capital Journal Reporter Nick Evans on X or on Bluesky.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

“I firmly believe he would have killed me at some point, whether accidentally or intentionally,” Frail said.

She had a medication abortion at a Planned Parenthood clinic in St. Louis, Missouri, in 2008 while serving in the U.S. Air Force. She was relieved to have the option of using medication instead of a procedure, and it let her take less time off work. It wasn’t an easy decision, she said, but she knew if she hadn’t done it, she never would have been able to get away from that partner.

“I was too wrapped up mentally and emotionally in my life with him that … I needed to be able to leave without giving him a phone number or letting him know where I was,” Frail said. “I still believe that an abortion saved my life.”

Access to telehealth prescriptions of mifepristone, one of two drugs used to terminate a pregnancy in the first trimester or to treat miscarriages, is threatened by an ongoing lawsuit in Louisiana. That state government has sued the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, trying to strike down the agency’s 2023 rule allowing the medication to be dispensed without an in-person visit.

Researchers, advocates and survivors of domestic violence say it’s vital to keep telehealth access available for people in abusive relationships who need discreet abortion options. The Louisiana lawsuit, however, argues in part that mifepristone has been weaponized against pregnant women in abusive relationships and shouldn’t be available by telehealth.

The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals temporarily blocked the FDA’s 2023 rule in early May, making in-person visits required for mifepristone prescriptions for two days before the U.S. Supreme Court paused that decision on emergency appeal. The court, with the exceptions of Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas, decided to keep the rule in place while the appeals case proceeds. But the rule could still be struck down again later, and the full case may end up in front of the Supreme Court.

Data from the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey from 2023-24 showed about 34% of women and 17% of men experienced physical or sexual violence or stalking by an intimate partner. Those figures could be higher because of hesitance to report incidents of abuse. States with high rates of violence include many with near-total abortion bans, including Arkansas, Indiana, Oklahoma, Tennessee and West Virginia — meaning residents who are victims of reproductive coercion have less access to abortion medication.

Pregnancy is a time of heightened risk in a relationship with domestic abuse, according to research, and intimate partner violence is a leading non-obstetric related cause of death among pregnant and postpartum women. Those risks are highest among Black and Indigenous people in the United States.

Reproductive coercion 

The lawsuit over mifepristone access includes Louisiana resident Rosalie Markezich as a plaintiff, who says the availability of the drug without an in-clinic visit allowed her boyfriend to order the pills in 2023 and pressure her to take them. In her written statement in the case, Markezich said the pressure caused ongoing trauma, and that if she’d had to see a doctor beforehand, she could have told the provider she didn’t want an abortion and the pills would never have been prescribed.

Anti-abortion groups, including Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America and Family Research Council, submitted amicus briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court about the type of coercion Markezich said she experienced. The telehealth option prevents in-person screenings for coercion, Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America said, and the in-person requirement provided “a line of defense” against reproductive coercion. Family Research Council also argued that because the FDA’s initial approval of the telehealth provision did not include a thorough study of how it could be used for coercion, it should be struck down.

Liz Tobin-Tyler, professor of health services, policy and practice at the Brown University School of Public Health, said people in abusive relationships very commonly experience what researchers call reproductive coercion. According to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, that includes situations in which a partner tries to control when and how pregnancy occurs, either by intentionally causing a pregnancy or forcing someone to end it, as with Markezich.

Coercion can also occur when a partner interferes with contraceptive methods, such as trying to force the use of a certain method or intentionally failing to use contraception. Tobin-Tyler said sometimes the abusive partner attends medical appointments to try to influence decisions related to birth control and other medical care discussions.

“It all comes back to that aspect of control,” she said.

Robin Turner, Montana director at gender equity organization Legal Voice, said what happened to Markezich was terrible, but that Louisiana could prosecute Markezich’s partner under existing laws, including harm induced by drugs. She said reinstating the in-person requirement for mifepristone would harm many other people because it would apply nationwide.

“It’s not a reasonable or proportional way to address what happened to the client,” Turner said. “We have to take what happened to the plaintiff seriously — and understand that taking that (access) away is not effective.”

Turner co-authored a brief for Legal Voice submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court during the emergency appeal proceedings that centered on the importance of access to mifepristone for people in relationships marked by domestic violence.

“A lot of what being in these relationships is about is your world getting smaller, and we don’t want our systems to imitate the dynamics of abuse. But that’s what happens when the government takes away the access to the healthcare that they need,” Turner told Stateline.

Safety planning for hotline callers

Kaelah Oberdorf, 24, said she was on birth control when she discovered she was pregnant in 2023 in upstate New York.

She was in an emotionally abusive relationship, struggling financially and still recovering from the postpartum depression she experienced after having her first child when she was 20, despite thinking that she couldn’t get pregnant because of a medical condition. The depression was so severe she had to be hospitalized. She decided that ending the pregnancy was the right thing to do for her mental health and the daughter she already had.

“I didn’t want to be tied to him for life, I didn’t want my daughter, or any of my children, to be tied to him for life,” said Oberdorf, who now lives in Georgia. “I already had a living child who did not need to be kept in that situation, and if I’d had another one, even if I left him, I mentally would not have been able to handle it.”

Research also shows that pregnant and postpartum women in rural areas experience higher rates of intimate partner violence, possibly because they’re farther from in-person medical care, which could contribute to lower rates of preventive screenings for abuse.

Elizabeth Ling, associate director of legal services at nonprofit hotline If/When/How, which offers reproductive legal aid, estimated the hotline receives between five and 10 calls a week from people who talk about experiencing intimate partner violence, whether it’s physical, emotional or some form of coercion. She said callers in rural communities are some of those who need access to medication abortion by telehealth and via mail because they are often the furthest away from a clinic and can’t travel because a partner is actively watching their movements.

If/When/How talks callers through their legal options and counsels them about legal risks, which Ling said is a top concern for people in abusive relationships. It’s common for them to be fearful of their partner reporting them for having an abortion, which can bring unwanted attention from police and investigations even if it doesn’t result in charges.

The hotline also helps people make a safety plan for receiving abortion medication, talking through steps such as where medication will be mailed, who has access to that mailbox and how to navigate a situation with a partner tracking their movements.

“Abortion pills really are a lifeline for those who call and share their experiences with us,” Ling said.

Frail, who still lives in Missouri, now has a daughter and a son who are in their 20s. She has left many voicemail messages recently for Republican U.S. Sens. Josh Hawley and Eric Schmitt, who have advocated for the withdrawal of FDA approval for mifepristone and called for federal investigations into drug manufacturers. In her messages, she says that being able to choose when she had her children made her a better parent.

“I know if I had not had an abortion, I would not have ever been able to get away from that abusive partner,” Frail said.

Stateline reporter Kelcie Moseley-Morris can be reached at kmoseley@stateline.org.

This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

A three-judge panel agreed with a Montana District Court judge who dismissed the lawsuit last fall, saying the plaintiffs did not create a plausible link between alleged injuries and the three Executive Orders. They also said the requested injunction was unlikely to address their concerns, and was overly broad and complicated.

“By effectively challenging hundreds of current and anticipated agency actions in one lawsuit, Plaintiffs seek to circumvent the jurisdictional and procedural rules Congress has established for challenges to agency actions,” the court wrote in an unpublished memorandum. “Such a sweeping injunction against hundreds of agency actions in one lawsuit is unprecedented.”

Lighthiser v. Trump is one of a series of youth-led climate change lawsuits brought by Our Children’s Trust, an Oregon-based advocacy law firm, which also successfully litigated Held v. Montana in 2023. 

Lighthiser, first argued before a federal judge in Missoula, alleged three executive orders Trump signed early in his second term will accelerate human-caused climate change and cause further harm throughout their lives.

The challenged orders included Trump Executive Orders 14154, “Unleashing American Energy,” 14156, “Declaring a National Energy Emergency,” and 14261, “Reinvigorating America’s Beautiful Clean Coal Industry.”

Federal District Court Judge Dana Christensen said he had dismissed the case “reluctantly,” but the scope of the request from the 22 young people was “an unworkable request.”

The circuit court agreed, saying granting an injunction rolling back three Executive Orders would require “extensive judicial supervision of executive branch actions related to energy policy.”

“Plaintiffs explicitly seek to undo everything from staffing reductions, to the revocation of research grants, to anticipated rule changes, to the type of language the current administration has used on government websites,” the memorandum states. “…The district court correctly recognized that disputes over such questions would inevitably result in the court ‘spending a lot of time together’ with the parties and holding hearings ‘until the expiration of [their] collective lifetimes.’”

In a statement, Chief Legal Counsel of Our Children’s Trust Julia Olson panned the circuit court decision, saying it allows the President to direct a fossil fuel agenda with no Congressional approval and no judicial review. 

“This decision …  tells the children harmed by that agenda that they cannot challenge it until it is unconstitutionally implemented piece by piece. That is not how the Constitution works,” Olson said. “The court did not decide whether these Executive Orders are constitutional. It did not decide whether the federal government may knowingly endanger children. Instead, it slammed the courthouse doors on children fighting for their lives and told them to file hundreds of cases against every agency action carrying out the President’s unconstitutional Executive Orders.”

The circuit court panel heard arguments in Lighthiser v. Trump in April.

Several states, including Montana, joined the Justice Department in arguing for the case’s dismissal, saying the plaintiffs lacked the standing to argue issuing executive orders exceeded a president’s constitutional powers, and that the orders’ scope did not contain specific policies for the courts to review. 

Federal attorney John Adams argued that unlike other federal cases challenging executive orders — such as those imposing tariffs — the Lighthiser case was challenging orders far removed from a specific action that could be deemed illegal or harmful. 

In the dismissal memorandum, the court stated “Plaintiffs can only speculate that the Executive Orders are the cause of the many agency actions they allege will exacerbate climate change,” and said the link was “too speculative.”

Montana Attorney General Austin Knudsen, in a statement from his office, praised the court’s decision. 

“We couldn’t have asked for a better outcome, as now two courts have proven that we were right all along — this case was nothing more than an attempt to stop President Trump’s pro-energy policies and push a bad-for-Montana liberal climate agenda,” Knudsen said.

Our Children’s Trust said in a press release they will assess “all legal options available to these young people, whose lives, health, safety and futures are on the line.”

“The court never said we were wrong. They never said the harm isn’t real. They just said they wouldn’t stop the harm,” lead plaintiff Eva Lighthiser of Livingston said. “They had the power to act and they chose not to. By the time we are harmed enough to satisfy them, it will be too late.”

The three-judge panel included one notable name: Lawrence VanDyke, a Trump appointee to the court who previously ran for the Montana Supreme Court and spent time as the Solicitor General of Montana, the Solicitor General of Nevada and an assistant solicitor general of Texas. The other two judges sitting on the case were John Owens, a Barack Obama appointee and Jennifer Sung, who was appointed by Joe Biden. 

This story was originally produced by Daily Montanan, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

7th District Rep. Max Miller sat down for a lengthy interview with the New York Post on Monday, June 1, to address abuse accusations made by his ex-wife, Emily Moreno — hours after a judge had issued a mutual restraining order blocking both sides from disparaging or harassing one another. Miller also spoke with Spectrum News 1 and other outlets following the Post interview.

In a Friday, June 5 court filing, Moreno’s lawyers argued Miller must explain why he should not be held in contempt and why he should not be required to pay her legal fees.

“To be clear, [Moreno] acknowledges that [Miller] is not restrained from talking to the media, nor is he restrained from defending himself. Those actions, by themselves, are not at issue,” her lawyers wrote in the filing.

“What [Moreno] does object to is that [Miller] uses the media to harass, disparage, and abuse Defendant in contravention of this Court’s Restraining Orders, and does so [in] a very visible, very public manner. It must stop.”

Miller’s spokesperson, Chris Vlasto, defended the interview. “Congressman Miller is defending himself against false allegations that have damaged his reputation and continue to cause harm,” Vlasto told the Post. “He is not going to sit back while Emily Moreno and her attorney make claims he believes are untrue and defamatory.”

Vlasto added: “Any assertion that Congressman Miller violated a non-disparagement agreement is simply the characterization of Ms. Moreno’s counsel, and he strongly disputes it. Congressman Miller will continue to defend himself and pursue the appropriate legal remedies.”

The contempt motion is not the only new legal development. During the Post interview, Miller’s team shared audio they said captured a private conversation between Miller and Moreno that took place weeks after the alleged incident in which Moreno claims Miller threw boiling water on her back on June 9, 2024 — an allegation Miller denies.

In the audio, Miller can be heard saying: “First of all, the water incident — which I have the text messages from that we have, even following up after that, I never thought that — that hurt you, and you know that.”

He continued: “If you want to accuse me of abuse by showing photos and no video evidence of something that I wasn’t even being abusive for, by all means, go ahead and do that.”

Moreno’s lawyers argued in a separate Friday filing that Miller had not disclosed the audio during the discovery process, and that the Post’s published story served as proof. They filed a motion to compel Miller to turn it over. Her legal team also argued that the second statement in the audio — in which Miller appears to give Moreno conditional permission to make the accusations — should be used as grounds to dismiss Miller’s May 2026 defamation lawsuit against her entirely.

Miller, a two-term congressman representing northeast Ohio’s 7th Congressional District, filed that defamation suit against Moreno, her attorney Andrew Zashin, and Zashin’s law firm on May 14 in Cleveland. The suit cited coverage of the abuse allegations in the Daily Mail, the Daily Beast, TMZ, and the New York Post, and alleged the resulting damage “undermines his chances of reelection.” It seeks compensatory damages in excess of $25,000, punitive damages, and attorney’s fees.

Emily Moreno is the daughter of Ohio U.S. Sen. Bernie Moreno (R), who won his Senate seat in 2024 with backing from President Donald Trump. Miller married Emily in 2022, and the couple had a daughter in 2023. Miller filed for divorce in August 2024 as his father-in-law was in the midst of his Senate campaign. The divorce was finalized in June 2025, but the custody dispute over the couple’s now 2-year-old daughter has continued in court.

Moreno has alleged that Miller threw boiling water on her back and has raised questions about a broken collarbone sustained by their daughter. Miller’s office has provided documentation that two child abuse allegations were investigated by the Cuyahoga County Division of Children and Family Services and deemed unsubstantiated. Miller has also previously obtained a court-issued restraining order against Moreno after a judge found she had made “proven false allegations.”

The legal battle carries echoes of an earlier dispute. When Miller first ran for Congress in 2021, his then-girlfriend, former White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham, publicly accused him of physical abuse in her memoir and in a Washington Post op-ed. Miller filed a defamation lawsuit against Grisham; he voluntarily dismissed it with prejudice in August 2023, just before the case was set to go to trial.

Moreno’s spokesperson, Stefan Mychajliw, invoked that history in a statement last month. “Mr. Miller is upset because he’s tried to silence Emily Moreno the same way he silenced Stephanie Grisham — and Emily won’t let him,” Mychajliw said, adding that “Mr. Miller will not silence Ms. Moreno.”

Miller is seeking reelection in November. Democrat Brian Poindexter, a five-term local councilman and union ironworker, is challenging him in Ohio’s 7th Congressional District.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

That conclusion does not rest on a single study. It is the through-line connecting separate analyses by the nonpartisan Ohio Legislative Service Commission, the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, Policy Matters Ohio, and the progressive group Innovation Ohio — each examining a different piece of Ramaswamy’s agenda and each reaching a version of the same finding.

A $10 billion question with no answer

The centerpiece is Ramaswamy’s pledge to eliminate Ohio’s personal income tax. He has said he would phase it out over an eight- to 10-year period beginning with his first budget. The tax raises roughly $10 billion a year — about a quarter of the state’s operating budget — and pays for K–12 schools, Medicaid, public universities, prisons, and services for seniors, veterans, and people with disabilities.

Ramaswamy maintains the gap can be closed through growth and spending discipline rather than service cuts. “It’s going to be a combination of growth and cutting unnecessary expenditures,” he told the Statehouse News Bureau. “It’s not going to be immediate. I haven’t promised that it’s going to be immediate, but what I’ve said is we’re going to bring it down and put us on a path, on a clear, credible, pro-growth path to zero income tax.” He has not specified which programs he would reduce to cover the difference.

A February 2026 Innovation Ohio report put the shortfall at about $9.8 billion a year — roughly 21% of the state’s General Revenue Fund. The group concluded that absent deep cuts, replacing that money would require either a 65% increase in the state sales tax or a 20% increase in property taxes. Both are regressive: a family that spends most of its income on necessities pays a far larger share of that income in sales tax than a household that can save or invest, and renters and fixed-income homeowners feel property tax increases acutely. In other words, the math of “zero income tax” does not erase the bill. It moves it down the income ladder.

Capital gains: a cut that skips most Ohioans

The clearest illustration of who benefits is the proposal to exempt capital gains from Ohio taxes — an idea Ramaswamy has promoted and that Rep. Tom Young (R-Washington Twp.) has introduced as House Bill 617, the Capital Gains Tax Repeal Act. Capital gains are profits from selling assets such as stocks, bonds, and real estate; they are income from owning things, not from working.

The Legislative Service Commission estimated the repeal would cost the state between $615 million and $645.6 million in tax year 2027, growing in later years. A separate LSC memo obtained by the Statehouse News Bureau found that 81.6% of the benefit would go to Ohioans earning more than $200,000 a year. Those making under $100,000 — the large majority of the state — would receive 7.3%.

An Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy analysis cited by Policy Matters Ohio sharpened the picture: on average, the lowest-income 20% of Ohioans would see no change at all, while the top 1% — with an average annual income above $1.8 million — would see an average tax cut of $6,424. About 60% of net capital gains in Ohio go to that top 1%.

Young argues the static estimates understate the upside, contending that “dynamic” growth would offset much of the loss, as he says past income tax cuts did. “We cut the income tax. What did we see? Increase in revenue,” he told reporters. Policy Matters Ohio counters that two decades of such cuts since 2005 have drained an estimated $17 billion a year from state coffers while Ohio’s economy and employment rankings lagged.

Property taxes: relief on paper, cuts in practice

Ramaswamy has also proposed rolling property taxes back to where they stood “before the end of the Covid pandemic,” a plan he rolled out in late March. Ohio property taxes climbed from $18.3 billion collected in 2020 to nearly $24 billion in 2024, and the relief pitch is politically potent. His campaign has not specified an exact baseline, pointing instead to the number of local taxing bodies. “Taxpayers can’t afford the path we’re on, and most Ohioans believe our government can do better as a steward of their hard-earned tax dollars,” spokesperson Evan Machan said, noting that Ohio has 88 counties but more than 2,000 taxing jurisdictions.

Because property taxes are local, the consequences would be too. Innovation Ohio estimated the rollback would cut about $6.6 billion a year from local budgets by the time a new governor could implement it, with no replacement revenue identified. Roughly 60% of Ohio property tax dollars fund schools; the group projected a school funding cut of about $4 billion, alongside reductions for fire departments, libraries, and public health agencies. As the report framed it, rolling back the tax base “would mean deep, immediate cuts to schools, fire stations, and services in every county.”

Data centers: corporate breaks, rising bills

The corporate side of Ramaswamy’s agenda runs through his pledge to make the Ohio River Valley “the next Silicon Valley” by aggressively expanding artificial intelligence data centers. Ohio already hosts about 200 such facilities — among the most of any state — and the industry has claimed an estimated $2.5 billion in state and local tax breaks since 2017, including sales tax exemptions and property tax abatements of up to 75% lasting 15 to 30 years. The state’s data center sales tax exemption alone cost about $1.6 billion in 2025.

Those incentives carry costs for residents. A single hyperscale data center can consume as much electricity as 80,000 to 100,000 homes, and Ohio residential electric bills have risen roughly $663 a year since 2019, a trend analysts tie in significant part to data center demand. At an August 2025 Ohio Chamber forum, Ramaswamy himself acknowledged electricity costs were about 50% higher and projected to climb another 50% — then argued the answer was to build still more data centers and more fossil fuel generation to power them. The strain has prompted bipartisan scrutiny: the state recently suspended a key data center tax break after Gov. Mike DeWine paused new exemptions, and a citizen-led drive is gathering signatures to restrict large facilities. A Gallup poll found 71% of Americans oppose building data centers locally.

A personal stake in the outcome

The tax agenda also intersects with Ramaswamy’s own finances. His financial disclosure, filed April 6 with the Ohio Ethics Commission, reported more than $1.1 million in dividends and capital gains in 2025, including $768,968 from the sale of BlackBerry stock — the precise category of income his capital gains proposal would exempt. The filing lists holdings across chip makers, cloud operators, industrial real estate trusts, and cryptocurrency, sectors that stand to gain from the data center expansion he champions and that he would help regulate as governor through appointments to JobsOhio, the Tax Credit Authority, the Ohio Power Siting Board, and the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio.

Innovation Ohio has been blunt about what it sees. “It shows exactly who benefits from his agenda: himself,” said Research Director Terra Goodnight, who argued Ramaswamy’s “policies will use our tax dollars to line his own pockets.” The group’s president, Michael McGovern, said running for governor “is just another way for Ramaswamy to cash in on the backs of working people.” A Case Western Reserve University law professor who studies professional ethics, Cassandra Burke Robertson, has offered a more measured read, noting that conflicts of interest depend on context and that broad market holdings differ from a stake in a single company.

The pattern

Taken individually, each proposal can be defended as a growth measure. Taken together, they describe a tax structure that asks less of the Ohioans best positioned to pay and more of those least able to absorb it — through higher sales taxes, higher property taxes, thinner public services, and rising utility bills. Ramaswamy’s wager is that growth will eventually make everyone whole. The independent analyses produced so far suggest that, in the meantime, the wealthy and large corporations would collect the gains while working families covered the difference.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Christopher G. Walter, 52, of Deshler, was booked into the Corrections Center of Northwest Ohio on June 2 and arraigned by video on June 3, court records show.

Walter faces one count of sexual battery involving a minor, a third-degree felony, and one count of grooming, a first-degree misdemeanor, according to the Deshler Police Department booking record and Napoleon Municipal Court filings. Grooming — defined as a pattern of conduct intended to entice or prepare a minor for sexual activity — became a criminal offense in Ohio in April 2025.

At the June 3 arraignment, Walter waived a preliminary hearing and both cases were bound over to Henry County Common Pleas Court for further proceedings, according to the dockets. The court set bond at $30,000 with 10% allowed and ordered Walter to wear GPS monitoring, comply with a criminal protection order, check in with probation, and have no direct or indirect contact with anyone under 18. Records show bond was posted.

Walter is listed as lead pastor of Immanuel Lutheran Church in Deshler on the church’s website. The Northwestern Ohio Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America said it terminated Walter’s authorization to serve at the church after learning of the arrest. In a June 4 statement, Bishop Daniel Beaudoin said the synod learned of the charges on June 3 and that Walter’s invitation to extended service through the United Methodist Church was ended the same day. Beaudoin called the allegations “very distressing and serious,” according to the statement.

Patrick Henry Local Schools confirmed that Walter is employed as a district bus driver and has been suspended without pay, according to WTVG reporting. In a statement, the district said it is aware of the arrest and charges and would not comment further because the matter involves personnel and legal issues.

Deshler police said officers arrested Walter without incident and that the investigation is ongoing. No additional details about the allegations have been released.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Sen. Brian Chavez (R-Marietta), chair of the Ohio Senate Energy Committee, was tapped in May 2026 to co-lead the Ohio Joint Data Center Committee alongside state Rep. Adam Holmes (R-Nashport). The panel — six Republicans and two Democrats — has held multiple public hearings since late May, fielding testimony from community members, environmental researchers, anti-data-center organizers, and lobbyists representing Amazon, Google, Meta, and Microsoft. Ohio House Speaker Matt Huffman (R-Lima) has said he wants lawmakers to pass “some sort of data center legislation” before the summer recess, and said the committee was created for that purpose.

“This is a fact finding effort,” Chavez said when the committee was announced. “We’re just gathering facts and information on what’s happening out there, what reality is. And we intend to disseminate that out.”

But questions about Chavez’s own financial reality had already been raised months earlier.

Ethics complaint alleged hidden business ties

In January 2026, an environmental advocacy group called Washington County for Safe Drinking Water filed a formal ethics complaint with the Ohio Joint Legislative Ethics Committee, alleging Chavez had failed to disclose ownership stakes in at least five oil and gas companies on his 2023 and 2024 financial disclosure forms — a legal requirement for Ohio state senators. Among the undisclosed entities, the complaint said, was DeepRock Disposal Solutions LLC, on whose legal documents Chavez signed as CEO, despite the company never appearing on his required financial disclosures. Buckeye Environmental Network, Save Ohio Parks, and FaCT Ohio co-signed the complaint.

Separately, the complaint alleged, Chavez’s company Chavez Well Service had bid on five state contracts to plug abandoned oil and gas wells since his appointment to the Ohio Senate in December 2023, winning one contract worth more than $200,000, according to the complaint’s review of public records. Those business interests, the complaint alleged, created a direct conflict when Chavez used his Energy Committee chairmanship to advance Senate Bill 219, legislation introduced by Sen. Al Landis (R-Dover) that would revise Ohio’s orphan well plugging program.

Washington County for Safe Drinking Water said Chavez “co-sponsored the legislation, accelerated its movement, and publicly advocated for it in the Energy Committee, which he chairs” — all without disclosing the financial interests the complaint said he held. The complaint alleged those actions violated Ohio Revised Code section 102.03, which prohibits public officials from using their office for private financial gain or voting on legislation in which they hold conflicts of interest.

The complaint expired without a formal investigation

The Ohio Joint Legislative Ethics Committee took no action within the 14-day review window required under state law. The complaint expired without a formal investigation being opened — a procedural outcome, not a determination that the allegations lacked merit.

Senate Republicans characterized the dismissal as a vindication. “This failed publicity stunt was nothing more than a libelous smear campaign against a respected State Senator that was backed by California special interests dead set on killing the oil and gas industry in Ohio,” said John Fortney, spokesperson for the Ohio Senate Republicans.

Washington County for Safe Drinking Water maintained that the procedural outcome left the underlying conflict unresolved. “A healthy democracy depends on accountability, balance, and a commitment to fairness for all,” the group said. Treasurer Dawn Hewitt told the Marietta Times that regardless of the committee’s inaction, Chavez “should not be sitting as chairman of the committee” while holding financial stakes in the industries he regulates.

Chavez then questioned others’ financial independence

Months later, Chavez was appointed co-chair of the data center committee. At the panel’s June 1 public hearing, he questioned a witness who had testified against data center development, asking whether that person had received payment for appearing before the committee. The witness had not. “Several of the witnesses made it clear that they are not funded by anyone,” Chavez told reporters after the hearing. “And I take them at their word.”

The pattern extends to the top of the Republican ticket

Chavez’s unresolved conflict of interest allegations are not the only financial entanglement shaping the policy environment Ohio’s data center hearings are designed to address.

A May 2026 analysis by progressive policy group Innovation Ohio found that GOP gubernatorial nominee Vivek Ramaswamy’s financial disclosure — filed with the Ohio Ethics Commission in April — reveals personal investments spanning every tier of the data center supply chain. The report, titled Vivek Ramaswamy’s Data Center Portfolio: Divided Loyalties, identifies holdings in chip manufacturers, cloud and data center operators, industrial real estate investment trusts, infrastructure funds, and cryptocurrency. As TiffinOhio.net reported, as governor, Ramaswamy would appoint the boards of JobsOhio, the Ohio Power Siting Board, the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio, and the state Tax Credit Authority — the agencies that permit, regulate, and subsidize the data center industry.

“As governor, Ramaswamy’s policies and investments could ensure that he continues to cash in while the rest of us fall behind,” Innovation Ohio President Michael McGovern said. “Even if a data center project or policy isn’t in Ohioans’ best interest — it will almost always be in his.”

Sen. Bill Reineke (R-Tiffin), widely expected to become the next Ohio Senate president in 2027, is among the members appointed to the data center committee.

The joint committee was formed as the Ohio House had already advanced its own data center legislation. House Bill 646 — co-sponsored by state Reps. Gary Click (R-Vickery) and Kellie Deeter (R-Norwalk) to create a formal data center study commission — passed the House unanimously in March and was referred to a Senate committee. Chavez acknowledged his joint committee could supersede it. “This doesn’t necessarily have to replace it,” he said, “but it seems to be the quicker vehicle that we’re going to pursue right now.”

As legislators weigh next steps, a citizen petition drive organized by Conserve Ohio is pursuing a constitutional amendment that would ban large data centers — defined as those consuming more than 25 megawatts of electricity monthly — from operating in the state. The group needs 413,487 valid signatures from at least half of Ohio’s 88 counties by July 1.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The votes took place during a vote-a-rama on S. 2, the Secure America Act, an immigration enforcement reconciliation bill moving through the Republican-controlled Senate. Both measures were offered as motions to commit the bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee with specific health care instructions.

The votes

The first amendment, sponsored by Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-GA), would have directed the Judiciary Committee to investigate insurance companies that deny or delay medically necessary care. The motion failed 47–50, with Husted voting no. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine was the only Republican to vote in favor.

“Across America, insurance companies continue to deny and delay medically necessary health care,” Ossoff said from the Senate floor. “Let’s ban insurance companies from denying or delaying medically necessary healthcare to Americans.”

The second amendment, sponsored by Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-GA), would have directed the Judiciary Committee to investigate the loss or denial of Medicaid coverage to eligible beneficiaries and required the public release of related data. That motion failed 46–52, with Husted again voting no. Collins was again the only Republican to vote yes.

Insurance donations and rate increases

American Journal News, citing campaign finance disclosures, reported in February that Husted has accepted more than $679,000 from insurance companies and their executives over his political career. The contributors include Anthem (now Elevance Health), Medical Mutual of Ohio, UnitedHealth Group, CareSource, Buckeye Community Health Plan, Summa Health Systems, and Centene. Husted’s year-end 2025 campaign filing added America’s Health Insurance Plans PAC — a trade organization representing insurance companies — to the list.

All of those companies have raised rates on Affordable Care Act plans in Ohio in 2026. Buckeye Community Health Plan raised rates 27.25%. UnitedHealth Group rates increased 30.9%. The sharpest increase came from Paramount Insurance Company, which hiked rates by 37%, according to the Ohio Capital Journal.

A Centene spokesperson told the Ohio Capital Journal the rate adjustments reflect higher-than-expected patient demand. “Over the past several months, we have been working closely with Ohio regulators and their third-party actuaries to balance rising health care costs with the needs of Ohio citizens,” the spokesperson said. “Our rate adjustments reflect higher-than-expected care needs than in previous years, including increased hospitalizations, emergency room utilization, and behavioral health services.” Centene reported a gross profit of $16.8 billion in 2024.

ACA subsidy backdrop

The rate increases follow the expiration of enhanced federal tax credits that had held down ACA marketplace premiums. The credits expired at the end of 2025. The Health Policy Institute of Ohio found that approximately 513,000 Ohioans — about 88% of the state’s ACA enrollees — had benefited from the credits. On Jan. 13, Husted told ABC6 that he opposed a bipartisan proposal to reinstate the credits for three years.

Husted proposed his own alternative in December 2025 — the Accountability for Better Care (ABC) Act — which would have extended the credits for two years, with conditions including limiting eligibility to U.S. citizens. The bill did not advance.

Democratic response

Ohio Democratic Party Senior Communications Advisor Tony Wen released the following statement Friday: “Last night, Jon Husted refused to ban insurance companies from denying or delaying critical health care to Ohioans. It’s no surprise — Husted voted nine times against lowering premium costs and now 120,000 fewer Ohioans have access to health care. Jon Husted couldn’t be more out of touch with what families in this state are going through, and they will send him packing in November.”

Husted was appointed to the Senate in early 2025 after Vice President J.D. Vance vacated the seat. He is seeking his first full elected term and faces Democratic former U.S. Sen. Sherrod Brown in the November 2026 special election.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Senators voted 48-50 against advancing an amendment that would have incorporated Trump’s top legislative priority into an immigration-focused spending bill. The vote offered the clearest sign yet that despite pressure from the president, a handful of Republican senators continue to resist advancing the bill, which critics say would unleash immense chaos ahead of elections this fall.

The SAVE America Act would require voters to offer documents, such as a birth certificate or passport, proving their citizenship when registering to vote. It would also mandate voters show photo ID when casting a ballot and restrict where voters can register, effectively eliminating voter registration drives.

Democrats and voting rights groups have assailed the bill, saying it would disenfranchise voters and upend the midterms because the new rules would take effect immediately. Trump and the bill’s GOP supporters say it’s needed to combat noncitizen voting, an extremely rare phenomenon.

Since taking office last year, Trump has made a series of attempts to shape how elections are run. An executive order that would limit voting by mail remains in effect for now as opponents challenge it in federal court, and the Department of Justice continues to seek to force states to hand over sensitive voter data, so far unsuccessfully.

The Senate amendment, offered by Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, also included restrictions on sports participation by transgender athletes. On social media after the vote, Graham called the SAVE America Act “one of the most consequential” pieces of legislation developed by Trump and his team.

“All Democrats voted no, and they will eventually pay a price,” Graham wrote.

Republicans also vote no

But the proposal fell short among a small group of Republicans, too. Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Thom Tillis of North Carolina joined Democrats in voting no.

Collins is seeking reelection in what is one of the most competitive Senate races in the country. McConnell and Tillis have both opted against seeking reelection, while Murkowski has said the bill would set up barriers for voters in her large, rural state.

Sixty votes would have been needed to advance the amendment — the same threshold to overcome a filibuster. 

The vote came after the Senate spent weeks debating the SAVE America Act earlier this year before moving on to other business without a vote. Trump has urged Republicans to abandon the filibuster to pass the bill, without success.

“We will squash this blatant attempt at voter suppression,” Sen. Mark Warner, a Virginia Democrat, wrote on social media after the vote.

The Senate also rejected, 50-49, a separate amendment offered by Sen. Mike Lee, a Utah Republican, that included a different version of the SAVE America Act. According to Lee, the amendment was the version of the bill passed by the House, which didn’t include provisions on transgender athletes. 

Collins voted in favor of the amendment after earlier opposing Graham’s amendment.

California

Both amendments failed hours after Trump asserted, without evidence, that Democrats were stealing “the vote” in California. The state held primary elections earlier this week, but vote counting is often slow in the state, meaning vote totals reported on election night don’t always reflect the final outcome of a race.

Trump linked California’s elections to his push for the SAVE America Act, writing on social media that “I hope Republicans are watching” so they could pass the legislation.

“They found a lot of mail-in ballots last night, shockingly,” Trump said at an unrelated Oval Office event on Thursday. “So we don’t want that.”

With the Senate unwilling to advance the SAVE America Act, some GOP lawmakers have begun offering alternative election-related bills.

Republican Reps. Julie Fedorchak of North Dakota and Laurel Lee of Florida on Thursday introduced the SAVE America Through REAL ID Act, which would create a grant program to help states provide REAL ID-compliant driver’s license and identification cards to residents for free to low-income Americans.

On Tuesday, Sen. Marsha Blackburn, a Tennessee Republican, and Graham introduced the Election Security Partnership Act, designed to encourage states to submit their voter rolls to a computer program operated by the Department of Homeland Security that can identify possible noncitizens. 

States can already upload voter data to the program, called Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements or SAVE, but the legislation would provide $20 million in grants for states to offset any costs related to using SAVE.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

In a searing opinion, Judge John J. McConnell Jr. said the Trump administration “threw the lives of countless immigrants living in the United States into indeterminate legal limbo” when it directed U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to pause asylum applications and green card paperwork for immigrants hailing from 39 African, Asian, Latin American and Middle Eastern countries subject to the president’s travel ban. 

The policy was announced in November after the two National Guard members were shot. Authorities later charged Rahmanullah Lakanwal, an Afghan national who was granted asylum, with the shooting. He has pleaded not guilty in federal court. A status conference is set for June 10 in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

McConnell, who was nominated by former President Barack Obama, said the policy “violated the very immigration laws that Congress has charged it with administering.”

USCIS is an agency within the Department of Homeland Security that oversees processing of legal immigration, ranging from asylum seekers to work authorization forms.

“USCIS’s hold on adjudications cannot be attributed to anything that these individuals did wrong; rather, it arises solely by the happenstance of their birth,” McConnell wrote.

He added that “the Court is reminded of a line often repeated in discussions around immigration policy: If people wish to immigrate to the United States, they ought to ‘follow the law’ and ‘do things the right way.’ This case serves as a perfect example of immigrants doing just that.”

New policy paused processing 

Labor unions and immigration advocacy groups in Rhode Island sued the Trump administration over the policies. They brought the suit on behalf of their members, immigrants who had the processing of their work visas and travel documents paused after the new policy following last year’s shooting in Washington, D.C.

After the November shooting, on the eve of Thanksgiving, one guard member, U.S. Army Spc. Sarah Beckstrom, 20, died, and U.S. Air Force Staff Sgt. Andrew Wolfe, 24, was critically wounded, but recovered. 

One of the groups that sued, Democracy Forward, praised the decision. 

“This ruling reaffirms a basic principle: the federal government cannot shut down lawful immigration pathways or discriminate against people based on where they come from,” Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, said in a statement. “These unlawful policies caused enormous harm to families, workers, asylum seekers, and communities across the country who were left in limbo, unable to work, access protections, or move forward with their lives.”

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Water activities in the RTA parking lot will be available for families, alongside the splash pad at National Corner. Court Street will host local businesses, community organizations, and food trucks, with participating downtown businesses offering special promotions, sales, and grab-and-go food options.

Visitors can complete an online “Chill Out Checklist” passport by stopping at participating businesses during the event. Completed checklists will be entered for a chance to win Chamber Cash.

“There’s truly something for everyone to enjoy downtown,” said Cheyane Thacker, Marketing Committee Chair.

The City of Tiffin Parks and Recreation Department will open the first Thursday Night Tunes concert of the season at the East Green Amphitheater at 7 p.m. Musician Paul Grover is scheduled to perform. Attendees are encouraged to bring lawn chairs.

The event is sponsored by Reineke Family Dealerships and UIS Insurance and Investments.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

A citizen group seeking to abolish property taxes in Ohio is giving up on getting its amendment on the November 2026 ballot, and is pivoting toward the November 2027 election instead, the group’s leader said Friday.

Brian Massie said the Committee to Abolish Ohio Property Taxes made the announcement in a podcast interview on Friday, about four weeks before a July 1 legal deadline by which the group would have had to submit hundreds of thousands of voter signatures to qualify for the November 2026 ballot.

Explaining the decision, Massie said the group fell short of its goal to collect 620,000 voter signatures – significantly more than the 413,488 legal minimum. The group had sought to collect extra signatures to make up for a significant number they expected to be rejected as invalid.

Since the group is now working toward the November 2027 election, it will have another year to collect signatures. The existing signatures the group collected can still count if and when it submits amendment paperwork next year. But more signatures are likely to be found invalid as they grow outdated, since a signature only counts if it includes the voter’s current registered address.

In an interview on Friday, Massie said the group now plans to try to collect more than 620,000 signatures.

“Our track that we’re on right now seems to indicate that we will,” he said. “I can’t be sure until I actually see them.”

Massie wouldn’t say how many signatures his group has collected. The group announced in April it had collected 320,000, a move it had hoped would spur additional public support.

“We the people have declared war on our politicians at the state level,” Massie said during the Friday podcast, called Ohio Political News, where he announced the group had given up on the 2026 election. “When you are at war, you never give the enemy any intel.”

The amendment campaign so far seems to lack the resources that a ballot issue typically requires to qualify for the ballot. But amendment backers’ progress nonetheless has alarmed state leaders in government, business and organized labor, who worried that eliminating $21 billion in tax revenue overnight would devastate schools and other local government services.

A coalition of groups organizing to oppose the amendment issued a statement on Friday reacting to the news.

“As a petition drive continues for a reckless property tax abolishment amendment, our non-partisan, broad-based coalition will sustain our public education campaign on the serious consequences that are at stake,” said Ohioans to Protect Public Services spokesperson Jen Detwiler. “Ohioans deserve real property tax reform, not a constitutional amendment that wipes out more than $21 billion in local funding with no plan for what comes next.”

The political fallout

A property tax abolition amendment likely would have attracted intense voter interest. The fact that it won’t be on the November 2026 ballot, when Ohioans will decide races for governor, U.S. Senate, the state legislature and other key offices, removes an X-factor that could have loomed large over the midterm elections.

Instead, the amendment now could appear on the November 2027 ballot, when there aren’t any statewide candidate elections. Typically, issues-only elections see much lower voter turnout, although that’s not always the case – see the November 2023 election, when voters approved an abortion-rights amendment.

State Democrats have signaled they are targeting the November 2027 ballot for a potential redistricting reform amendment, which could drive its own set of political conditions.

Massie said supporters have already begun debating whether the property tax abolition amendment’s chances of passage will be helped or hurt by waiting for a year.

“I can’t worry about things that I can’t control,” Massie said. “[We’re] just messengers for the people, what’s in their best interest.”

Signal Ohio is a nonprofit news organization covering government, education, health, economy and public safety.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The Patrol confirmed Cain’s termination in a written statement to TiffinOhio.net. The agency had initially placed him on unpaid administrative leave after learning of the allegations before moving to fire him. “The Patrol took immediate action upon learning of the allegations, the employee has since been terminated,” the agency said. “The conduct alleged does not reflect the values of this agency.”

Nathaniel H. Cain, 23, faces one count of strangulation, a third-degree felony, in Seneca County Common Pleas Court.

In a recorded interview after his arrest, Cain acknowledged that he and his girlfriend argued and that he said “nasty” things to her, but denied harming her, according to a report written by Tiffin Police Sgt. Joseph P. Feld.

“I didn’t put my hands on her,” Cain told the sergeant, the report states. When Feld described the injuries to the woman’s neck, Cain asked, “And that’s from me?”

The woman, whom TiffinOhio.net is not naming, reported the assault in person at the police station on Tuesday, May 19, the report says.

In a sworn written statement, she said an argument escalated quickly after a night out and that Cain “grabbed my face and squeezed it, breaking my tooth,” then “grabbed my neck and strangled me for about 7 seconds.” She wrote that she did not lose consciousness but “couldn’t breathe.”

Feld wrote that he saw red marks down the center of the front of her neck, a damaged tooth and an injury to her lower lip, and that he photographed the injuries.

The records also clarify how Cain was arrested — a question left open in earlier accounts. After consulting a supervisor and the Seneca County Prosecutor’s Office, Feld learned that Cain was a trooper assigned to the Patrol’s Norwalk Post and was driving there to begin his shift.

Out of safety concerns — the woman told police that Cain owns multiple firearms — Feld notified the commander of the Norwalk Post, who intercepted Cain and drove him to the Tiffin Police Department. After the interview, Cain was taken into custody and booked into the Seneca County Jail, still wearing his uniform pants and boots, the report says.

Feld wrote that he filed the strangulation charge after his lieutenant consulted the prosecutor’s office. Strangulation became a stand-alone felony in Ohio in 2023; before the change, such allegations were typically charged as misdemeanor assault or domestic violence.

Not all records in the case will be released. The Tiffin Police Department said it is withholding the call to dispatch that brought officers into the case, citing Marsy’s Law, the state’s victim-rights amendment. The department said the recording would identify the victim and her location and that it cannot redact the audio.

Cain was held without bond until a judge set bond at $75,000 with conditions on Wednesday, May 20, court records show. He waived a preliminary hearing on May 28 and posted bond the same day. The case, before Common Pleas Judge Damon D. Alt, is being prosecuted by the office of Seneca County Prosecutor Derek W. DeVine and remains pending.

A criminal charge is an allegation. Cain is presumed innocent unless and until he is convicted in court.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Former FirstEnergy CEO Chuck Jones and Vice President Michael Dowling were indicted by a Summit County Grand Jury on numerous counts, including bribery, conspiracy and fraud. An earlier trial of the two men ended in a hung jury at the end of March.

Outgoing Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost and Summit County Prosecutor Elliott Kolkovich issued a joint statement announcing the executives’ reindictment.

“The roots of this complex case haven’t changed – FirstEnergy was hijacked by two scheming executives who sought to control the regulator that influenced the company’s stock prices,” the statement quoted Yost as saying. “I’m confident that Ohio’s ratepayers will get justice when the facts are unearthed in the courtroom.”

In a 2023 federal court trial in Cincinnati, federal prosecutors laid out a scheme in which Akron-based FirstEnergy funneled more than $60 million through 501(c)(4) “dark money” groups. 

They said the scheme was to elect a Republican majority to the Ohio House of Representatives and make Larry Householder of Glenford speaker in 2019, so he could pass and protect a $1.3 billion ratepayer bailout. Householder is now serving a 20-year prison sentence for his role in the conspiracy.

Even after being convicted on federal charges, Householder maintained his innocence. In January, however, the former House speaker’s attorneys said he is open to a plea deal related to his state corruption trial, set to take place in Cuyahoga County this year.

Jones and Dowling ran FirstEnergy during the time of the conspiracy of which Householder was convicted. 

In 2021 — after Householder and others were arrested and Jones and Dowling were fired — FirstEnergy paid a $230 million fine and signed a deferred prosecution agreement. The company admitted to paying millions through dark-money groups to Householder in return for Householder  “pursuing nuclear legislation for FirstEnergy Corp.’s benefit.”

FirstEnergy also admitted paying a $4.3 million bribe to Sam Randazzo, Gov. Mike DeWine’s first pick to be the state’s top utility regulator. In 2024, Randazzo died by suicide.

The feds didn’t indict Jones and Dowling until Jan. 15, 2025 — after the men had already been indicted on state charges.

No trial date has been set in the federal case. The case seems to be waiting on the state retrial, for which jury selection is expected to start on Sept. 18, according to a May 28 entry in the federal courts record system.

After eight days of deliberation, the jury in the earlier state trial couldn’t agree on whether Jones and Dowling bribed Randazzo. 

Yost said 10 of 12 jurors agreed on the former executives’ guilt. But he explained that criminal cases require a unanimous verdict.

The new indictment contains new information, Yost said in a YouTube video linked to in the statement announcing the new indictment.

“This new indictment includes some additional facts that were not known to us at the time of the first indictment that we became aware of as a result of a civil lawsuit against FirstEnergy,” it said.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The 52-47 mostly party-line vote sends the measure to the House, where GOP lawmakers could send it to President Donald Trump for his signature as soon as next week. 

Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski was the only Republican to vote no. Colorado Democratic Sen. Michael Bennet, who participated in a debate in his bid to become his state’s next governor, did not vote. 

Murkowski said in a statement she opposed the legislation because it bypassed the annual government funding process that forces the two political parties to debate issues and find compromise. 

“By choosing to appropriate funding for three fiscal years instead of one, this measure weakens the normal budgeting process and sets another precedent for avoiding it when we find ourselves in disagreement,” she said. “In doing so, it reduces Congress’ ability to apply reasonable checks on immigration policy for the remainder of this administration and into the next.”

Murkowski added that she would have voted for the package had it “provided immigration funding for one year, included clear restrictions on what those funds can be used for, and eliminated any potential for taxpayer dollars to be allocated to the administration’s brazen ‘anti-weaponization’ fund.”

Majority Leader John Thune said during floor debate GOP leaders were forced to draft the package after Democrats “walked away” from negotiations that could have placed restrictions on federal immigration agents.  

“Republicans are going to continue to ensure that these agencies have the funding that they need to fulfill their national security responsibilities,” the South Dakota Republican said. 

Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., argued the measure shows that Republicans are more focused on funding deportations than lowering the cost of living. 

“Apparently, Republicans think we cannot afford a single penny to help Americans cover the skyrocketing costs of gasoline, of healthcare, of housing, of food, of energy, you name it,” he said. “But somehow we can afford to give another $70 billion to Trump’s rogue agencies.”

Senate approval followed a marathon amendment voting session that stretched throughout Thursday and overnight as Democrats sought to challenge Republican senators on policy differences just months before the November midterm elections. No amendments were approved. 

Building on “big, beautiful” law

The bill would provide a second hefty cash infusion to the agencies carrying out the president’s immigration crackdown, building on the $170 billion Republicans included in their “big, beautiful” law. 

This legislation would appropriate: 

• $38.53 billion for Immigration and Customs Enforcement

• $26.02 billion for Customs and Border Protection

• $5 billion for the secretary of Homeland Security.

The money would be available through Sept. 30, 2029, the end of the fiscal year. Republicans decided not to place any new guardrails on immigration agents. 

The measure Republican senators approved was somewhat different from the original version released in early May, which included $1 billion for the Secret Service to make security upgrades associated with the president’s ballroom, dubbed the East Wing Modernization Project.

Republicans also removed $1.46 billion that would have increased funding for several Justice Department programs.

Additionally, GOP lawmakers bolstered ICE funding by $350 million compared to the earlier version of the bill. 

Republican leaders are moving the package through the complex budget reconciliation process, avoiding the need to secure Democratic votes in the Senate that would otherwise be required to end debate on the measure. 

GOP leaders opted to use the special legislative maneuver after they were unable to broker agreement with Democrats to place constraints on immigration officers. 

Democratic lawmakers said new guardrails, including body cameras and preventing the use of masks, were necessary after federal agents shot and killed two U.S. citizens in Minneapolis in January. 

The impasse led to a 76-day shutdown at the Department of Homeland Security that didn’t end until late April, when Congress approved the annual spending bill without funding for ICE or the Border Patrol. 

June 1 deadline missed

The reconciliation process comes with several strict rules that require each section of the legislation to address revenue, spending, or the debt limit. Proposals also cannot be deemed “merely incidental” to the federal budget. 

Trump wanted Congress to approve the funding package ahead of a self-imposed June 1 deadline. But work on the measure ground to a halt after the administration announced plans to establish a $1.776 billion fund to pay people who believe they were wrongly prosecuted by the Justice Department. 

Floor debate on the bill resumed again this week after acting Attorney General Todd Blanche testified before a House subcommittee Tuesday the administration was “not moving forward with the fund, period.”

Trump, however, muddied the waters a bit Wednesday when asked during an Oval Office event whether the fund was “dead or on hold.”

“I’d have to ask my lawyers. I don’t know,” he said. “Are you talking about the weaponization fund? The weaponization fund, as far as I’m concerned, was a beautiful thing.”

Tough amendment votes

The Justice Department’s “anti-weaponization” account was one of many issues senators sought to address during a marathon voting session that began Thursday morning and lasted until just before sunrise Friday.  

Several Republicans, including those facing tough reelection bids, sided with Democrats on proposals and offered changes of their own, though none were added. 

South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham tried unsuccessfully to include language that would have required people registering to vote provide proof of U.S. citizenship and later present a photo ID to cast a ballot. 

Senators voted 48-50 to reject Graham’s attempt to add the SAVE America Act, showing the legislation doesn’t have the votes to clear Congress, despite pressure from the president.  

Republican Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, Murkowski and Thom Tillis of North Carolina voted with Democrats. 

A majority of senators backed an attempt by Delaware’s Chris Coons that would have barred the DOJ from paying anyone convicted of assaulting police on Jan. 6, 2021, when Trump supporters attacked the Capitol. 

The 54-45 vote, however, wasn’t enough to add the provision to the package. It needed the support of at least 60 senators to move past a procedural hurdle since it didn’t address language in the immigration bill. Republican Sens. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Collins, Jon Husted of Ohio, Ashley Moody of Florida, Jerry Moran of Kansas, Murkowski, Dan Sullivan of Alaska and Tillis voted with Democrats. 

An amendment from Cassidy to compensate “law enforcement officers who defended the United States Capitol” on Jan. 6 was unable to reach the 60 votes it needed following a 52-47 vote. Cassidy as well as Collins, Husted, Murkowski, Sullivan and Tillis voted along with Democrats.

Oregon Democratic Sen. Jeff Merkley proposed an amendment that would have required congressional authorization before construction could continue on the White House ballroom, but it wasn’t adopted following a 53-46 vote. 

Cassidy, Collins, Husted, Moran, Murkowski, Sullivan and Tillis voted with Democrats, but it needed at least 60 votes to move past an objection. 

Health insurance 

Georgia Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff tried to use a maneuver that would have sent the bill back to the Judiciary Committee in order to create “a task force to conduct investigations into health insurance companies that are found to routinely deny and delay patients’ access to medically necessary care.”

Ossoff told the story of a woman named Ellen from Atlanta who struggled with her insurance company after being diagnosed with a form of blood cancer known as multiple myeloma.

“As Ellen told me, quote, ‘for a corporation to have a finger on the button of your life is ridiculous. They have their minds on profit margins. I just want to be healthy and alive,’” he said. “Thankfully, Ellen’s cancer is now in remission. But across America, insurance companies continue to deny and delay medically necessary healthcare.”

Iowa Republican Sen. Chuck Grassley said the issue was “worthy of review” but disagreed with addressing it during debate on the immigration and deportation bill. 

“The Justice Department already performs investigations into healthcare insurance fraud. The Senate also confirmed a new assistant attorney general to fight fraud,” he said. “Further, sending the reconciliation bill back to the Judiciary Committee would essentially kill it.”

The Senate did not agree with Ossoff’s motion following a 47-50 vote. Collins was the sole Republican to vote with Democrats. 

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Former Gov. John Kasich structured the economic development agency as a nonprofit private corporation. JobsOhio holds the state’s liquor franchise and uses the proceeds to fund job creation efforts. But because it’s a private entity, JobsOhio isn’t subject to state sunshine laws.

There has always been grumbling about that lack of oversight. But until recently, Republican officials had largely defended the secrecy as crucial to landing deals with prospective companies.

Cracks began showing early last year. The Ohio Controlling Board considered an early extension of JobsOhio’s liquor franchise that would grant it control through 2053. The deal would cost the corporation nothing, and Attorney General Dave Yost publicly called on JobsOhio leaders to table the effort until they could provide Ohioans “proper consideration and a full explanation.”

The Controlling Board approved the extension in Feb. 2025.

Ohio state Rep. Tristan Rader, D-Lakewood, was sitting on the controlling board at the time, and the motion was approved over his objection. He’s now one of the sponsors backing the JobsOhio Transparency Act.

Rader stressed that he and his co-sponsor, Ohio state Rep. Justin Pizzulli, R-Scioto County, aren’t trying to hobble the corporation.

“JobsOhio can operate how they operate today under this bill,” Rader said. “It just after the fact, it allows us to see better how these things are being done, and what outcomes there are, and better tracking, better transparency, better accountability.”

“The bottom line here is this,” he added. “This bill is not about whether JobsOhio is successful or unsuccessful, it’s about whether Ohioans can evaluate that success for themselves.”

In a statement, JobsOhio Press Secretary Matt Engelhart said “JobsOhio appreciates our strong working relationship with state legislative leaders. We are committed to maintain our best-in-class transparency while ensuring Ohio remains competitive for economic development opportunities.”

New oversight

JobsOhio already faces regular auditing and produces annual reports. But critics complain the audits don’t reveal enough about JobsOhio’s inner workings, and the reports only describe outcomes in the aggregate.

Ohio House Bill 779 would replace that oversight with the standard two-year audits any other state agency or public entity receives from the Ohio Auditor. In addition, JobsOhio officials would testify annually before state lawmakers to detail the projects that received funding, how much they got, and where they’re located.

In an apparent response to the podcast scandal, the bill also requires JobsOhio to disclose information about any corporate sponsorships or media partners.

“If we can shine light on an organization,” Pizzulli said, “it gives public trust and transparency. I truly believe that had this bill been passed, we wouldn’t have seen such an embarrassment happen to our state.”

He explained he represents one of the poorest districts in the state and his constituents feel “a little offended” at the waste of money.

“Imagine what could have been done to a place like Scioto County and our local economic development had we been given $50,000 to help a few good paying jobs to lift people up out of poverty,” Pizzulli said.

The measure makes changes to future extensions of the liquor franchise as well. Rader explained legislative researchers estimated the most recent extension was worth roughly $16 billion. The proposal would require JobsOhio to pay fair market value for any future franchise rights.

Why it’s needed

Ohio state Rep. Phil Plummer, R-Dayton, wasn’t buying Pizzulli and Raders’ skepticism. He put it bluntly: have we increased jobs or had a net loss of jobs since JobsOhio began?

Rader and Pizzulli acknowledged there are more jobs now, but said JobsOhio’s role in creating them is murky. Rader described how a company in his district was getting ready to buy a $1.2 million piece of equipment. JobsOhio cut a check for a couple thousand dollars and then claimed credit for creating jobs.

The company is “very appreciative” Rader said, but the public deserves “a much more detailed, granular understanding of how these public dollars are being spent.”

Plummer seemed fine with a bit more transparency — “I don’t mind tweaking some things and flipping over a few rocks.” But he seemed unmoved by the sponsors’ doubts.

“They’ve been very successful in my opinion,” Plummer said.

Pizzulli and Rader contend there’s nothing wrong with JobsOhio’s mission, and if it’s doing as well as it claims, greater oversight will only bolster its reputation.

But the sponsors worry it’s not actually providing an adequate return on investment. Pizzulli described pitching JobsOhio to help with his local economic development agency, a major employer in his district, and a regional infrastructure strategy. Each time they turned him down.

“At some point, after enough conversations lead to nowhere, you begin asking a simple question,” he said. “Who exactly is Jobs Ohio accountable to?”

The information JobsOhio does share, “looks great on paper,” Pizzulli admitted, but he’s not sure it bears scrutiny.

“When you look closer, many of these projects were already happening independently before JobsOhio became involved,” he said. “In several cases, it appeared that a check was written after the fact, and the project was then counted as a JobsOhio success.”

People all over the state buy alcohol. But when Pizzulli sees his community continuing to lag behind others, he wonders whether JobsOhio “is truly serving all regions of Ohio equally or primarily concentrating resources in areas already experiencing growth and momentum.”

“My constituents are not asking for special treatment,” he said. “We’re just asking to not be forgotten.”

Follow Ohio Capital Journal Reporter Nick Evans on X or on Bluesky.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

But while Ohioans share in the nation’s affordability crises, most economists in a recent survey think a suspension wouldn’t provide meaningful relief. An even stronger consensus said the benefits of a suspension would not outweigh the costs. 

Average gas prices have shot up 34% since President Donald Trump launched a war against Iran at the end of February. Iran retaliated by choking off the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20% of the world’s oil and gas transits. Passage remains restricted as Trump fluctuates between saying a deal with Iran is imminent and threatening another all-out attack. 

While some Ohio lawmakers are floating a three-month tax suspension, economists are skeptical that it would do much for Ohio motorists.

Scioto Analysis asked a panel of 19 economists if they agreed that, “A three-month gas tax suspension would provide meaningful financial relief to Ohio residents.”

Eleven disagreed, six said it would, and two were uncertain.

Bob Gitter of Ohio Wesleyan University said that the savings wouldn’t amount to much for the average motorist.

“If you buy a tank of gas every week you would save $6,” he wrote in the comment section of the survey. “Over a three month period that would be about $80. Low-income people could use a break but $80 would not, in my view, by meaningful financial relief.”

Kevin Egan of the University of Toledo said they wouldn’t even save that much.

“Consumers would not see a 38.5-cent reduction in gasoline prices; probably more like half that,” he wrote. “Saving 16 cents a gallon for a vehicle that averages 30 mpg and is driven 16,000 miles a year… so 4,000 miles in 3 months would save (4000/30)*.16=$21.33. $21 is not ‘meaningful.’”

However, Bill LaFayette of Regionomics argued that for low-income drivers, every little bit helps.

“A suspension of the gas tax would amount to something like a 10.5% price cut — less if gas prices continue to rise,” he wrote. “But that could be meaningful to lower-income households and those who have to drive far.”

Revenue from the state gas tax largely goes to infrastructure projects. The economists said there is a cost to pausing that revenue.

They were asked whether they agreed that, “The long-term economic benefits of a three-month gas tax suspension would outweigh the long-term economic costs of reduced state infrastructure funding.”

Fifteen disagreed and three were uncertain. Only one agreed.

Most who disagreed gave reasons similar to that of David Brasington of the University of Cincinnati.

“Gas tax holidays usually end up causing deferred maintenance, which makes roads more expensive to repair than if normal maintenance had been done,” he wrote. “It’s like skipping a few dentist visits: it will save you some money upfront, but the resulting cavities will be more expensive to repair.”

Jonathan Andreas said gas taxes are already too low to cover “externalities” created by gasoline consumption.

By that, he was referring to environmental costs and other harms inflicted on society as a whole that energy providers don’t pay for.

“There is an enormous consensus about the negative externalities of gas consumption among economists on both the left and the right (except those few who are funded by the fossil-fuel industry),” he wrote.

“Even (Harvard economist) Greg Mankiw thinks taxes on gas are inefficiently low which lead to distortions in the economy. This would make those distortions worse.”

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

He gave a lecture in early 1895 in which he “linked climatic change to long-term variations in atmospheric carbon dioxide levels, CO2.”

He deduced that carbon dioxide emissions from combustion of fossil fuels would have an impact on warming of the Earth’s surface.

Eunice Foote, another scientist of those times, discovered that a glass tube of CO2 absorbed infrared heat whereas a tube of oxygen did not.

This experiment helps us to understand that some gases, like methane, water vapor, carbon dioxide, and fluorinated gases, are indeed climate changing gases as they absorb infrared energy and heat up Earth’s atmosphere.  

These early discoveries led to what is known as climate science.

This field of research is rooted in studies, experiments, and facts collected during the past 120 years.

Yet a majority of Republicans, including the current president, insist that climate change is a hoax, going as far as reversing the 2009 Endangerment Finding (the finding that greenhouse gas emissions, including carbon dioxide, are air pollutants under the Clean Air Act and they contribute to pollution that endangers public health or welfare).

Even ExxonMobil scientists concluded decades ago (late 1980s and early 1990s) that CO2 absorbs heat and increases atmospheric temperatures, but company spokesmen denied, challenged, and obscured this science.

Elected officials who deny climate change get an F in physics.

For over three years, Ohio citizens have tried in vain to stop the leasing of Ohio’s State parks and wildlife areas to out-of-state oil and gas companies.

If Ohioans had been able to submit public comments for H.B. 507, the bill that opened up the public lands to fracking, they would have said NO to fracking of our public lands. But H.B. 507 was passed during a lame duck session in December 2022, with no public input. 

The Oil and Gas Land Management Commission (OGLMC), a five-membered commission appointed by Gov. Mike DeWine, are responsible for approving state lands for fracking.

The OGLMC is primarily made up of lawyers. No one on the OGLMC has any significant background in health or science. Science is not guiding the decisions to frack our parks; money is.  

On March 31, 2026, the OGLMC decided to lease more than 8,000 acres at Egypt Valley Wildlife Area and more than 500 additional acres at Salt Fork State Park, during a meeting that lasted less than twenty minutes.

They ignored that facts that fracking results in: billions of gallons of water use, excessive noise, truck traffic, light pollution, radioactive brine wastes, habitat fragmentation, and air and water pollution. All will negatively impact our parks. 

The OGLMC are supposedly guided by the statute ORC 155.33, which says the commission can “approve or disapprove” lease nominations on the basis of nine considerations, including economic benefit, environmental impact, geological impact, impact on visitors, and public comments and objections.

Considering the number of leases “rubber stamped” since this process began, it raises the question of what is really considered behind closed doors.

During a January meeting this year, Theresa White, head of the commission, said nothing legally requires the commission to explain its decisions.

The OGLMC and Gov. DeWine deserve an F in ecology and health.

Since the passage of S.B. 52, many Ohio counties are vetoing utility-scale renewable projects.

Unfortunately, they are being misled by anonymously funded groups spreading misinformation about rural renewable energy projects.

A recent report claimed these groups have ties to fossil fuel proponents. The much needed economic benefits renewable projects could bring to communities and farmers are lost. 

Wind power occupies very little land and these leases help the farmers maintain a viable economic plan for their families. The blades extend vertically and the size at the base is almost negligible, which makes wind power compatible with other uses of the land at the same time.

I have stood beside wind turbines in Iowa and West Virginia and the noise is negligible. 

According to the Department of Energy, wind power is one of the lowest-priced energy sources, with land-based utility-scale costs often under $30/MWh.

It stimulates rural economies through tax revenue, job creation (over 125,000 in the U.S. in manufacturing and maintenance), and stable, long-term land-lease payments to farmers and ranchers.

The Nottingham Solar project (a 120-megawatt (MW) solar energy farm located in Athens Township, Harrison County) will pay the county approximately $800,000 yearly in tax revenue.

Over the 35-year life span of the project, it is expected to generate over $29 million, replacing property that previously generated only about $400 a year.

Solar installation leases are lucrative and bring steady revenue to landowners and families with long-term leases that are usually three to five times greater than the income earned from traditional crops.

These leases provide rural families revenue, stability and the ability to retain ownership for generations to come.

The Ohio Department of Health did their own study on solar farms and photovoltaics in 2022 which showed that there are “no public health burdens” from solar materials, heat, glare, end of life disposal, noise, electromagnetic fields and crystalline silicon. 

According to the Great Plains Institute, in no area of the United States does the amount of both existing and potential solar in a county surpass 0.5% of the county’s total land.

Why are township trustees and county commissioners with little to no science education permitted to make decisions for entire counties by banning solar and wind power and infringing on private property rights?

Local officials get an F in renewable energy education.

Communities all around the state of Ohio are expressing their concerns over the exponential expansion of data centers into their communities.

Some of the concerns expressed by communities located close to data centers include: the noise, water usage, acres of land transformed into industrial centers, exposure to air pollution from power generation, high voltage transmission lines cutting through communities and farmlands, and probable increases in their utility bills due to the increases in power consumption. 

Data centers require large quantities of water for cooling purposes.

A single data center can consume up to 5 million gallons of water per day and operate 24/7/365.

Yet, from “2017 to 2024, Ohio provided $2.5 billion in tax incentives to attract and expand data-center projects, according to estimates included in a September report produced for the Ohio Chamber of Commerce Research Foundation.”

Most data centers will only employ a handful of people.

Ohio elected officials get an F in cost/benefit analysis when it comes to data centers. 

The same elected officials that do not believe in climate change want citizens to pay ethanol plants, power plants and other polluting industries $85/ton for carbon dioxide emissions they capture from their processes.

This procedure is called carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) and it is very energy and water intensive as well as expensive.

Ohio’s elected officials are considering H.B. 170, a bill that will push Ohio to take over the regulations of carbon capture wells (Class VI wells) from the United States EPA. 

The wells will be used to inject dangerous CO2 gas at 1000 psi into the bedrock under our farms, forests, and communities.

Once again, the ODNR would be the sole authority in permitting and regulating these wells.

Currently the proposed sites for the wells are in areas where there is ongoing fracking and an abundance of old mines and orphan oil and gas wells. These activities can result in a fracturing of the caprock, resulting in possible pathways for CO2, a known asphyxiant, to escape. 

To date, all CCS projects globally can capture only 0.17 percent of industry emissions. Carbon dioxide pipelines will be required to transport the pollutant across the state.

This will put our communities at risk, and the state legislators may use eminent domain to run pipelines across private lands.

Our local fire departments lack the training and equipment needed to address any accidents like the one which occurred in Satartia, Mississippi. 

Carbon capture is a give-away for the fossil fuel industry.

Once again, Ohio’s elected officials get an F in environmental economics and health. 

Last but not least we must give all elected officials, including federal, state, and local, a big red F for allowing the oil and gas industry to spread oilfield brine wastes across Ohio’s roads and inject it into our communities via Class II wells. 

This waste is not only radioactive but contains other toxic components like carcinogenic hydrocarbon liquids and bromine salts. 

Elected officials in Ohio are ignoring science and technology as they do the bidding of the fossil fuel industry. They are failing to keep the citizens of the state safe.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Longmire, now 31, exchanged a look with his mother-in-law. “We were like, ‘I’d be OK living with you after that sermon,’ and the ball rolled downhill from there,” Longmire said.

Both families are now living in a house they bought together in Chattanooga, Tennessee, after a two-year nationwide search. Their partnership is an example of the lengths first-time homebuyers have gone to this year amid stubbornly high home prices and interest rates.

“I make $200,000 and I wouldn’t have been able to buy a house by myself. That’s ridiculous,” Longmire said. His wife’s parents contributed $200,000 from selling their own home in Utah and retired to live with them in a 3,500-square-foot house that cost $585,000.

Home prices rose this year, though not as much as inflation, so affordability increased in all regions as of April compared with a year before, according to the National Association of Realtors.

But prices are settling at a high level. After inflation adjustment, they’re still less than 4% below the 2022 peak, though some areas with large-scale building, mostly in Florida and Texas, have seen prices drop, according to real estate analyst Bill McBride’s CalculatedRisk newsletter.

Help from family and even shared living arrangements are becoming the norm in higher-priced areas.

“The family now has accumulated so much equity that they’re able to help their kids make these downpayments. Many people like to live in multi-generational households for reasons of culture and also cost,” said Nadia Evangelou, senior economist for the National Association of Realtors.

Nationally a typical single-family home cost $422,300 in April, up $4,300 from a year before, according to the National Association of Realtors. But the typical family made about $6,000 more in that time, and mortgage rates came down a little, so affordability improved.

But a shortage of affordable starter homes is slowing the market and keeping it hard to buy for first-timers. Last year the median age of first-time buyers reached a record 40 years old, while the median repeat buyer was 62, as the housing market became dominated by repeat buyers who could sell a house at today’s high prices.

“Affordability today is still nowhere near what it was for much of the last decade,” Evangelou said. Between 2009 and 2016, the typical family had about 70% more income than it needed to buy the typical median-priced house, while today it’s a much smaller margin of about 11% as of April.

San Francisco is an extreme example: The artificial intelligence boom has driven median home prices to a record $2.15 million, according to the real estate brokerage firm Compass. So Charlie and Nettie Culp felt lucky to get a 1,500-square-foot condo for $1.5 million. The couple, both 32, work in finance and tech and saved for years with some family help, putting down $500,000 and taking a $1 million mortgage in May.

“That’s a lot of money for what you get, but that’s the market and it’s a beautiful city,” Charlie Culp said. He has lived in the city since 2015, at times sharing rent among as many as four people while saving money.

“I saw the AI boom coming in San Francisco, so we decided to reach out to our landlord and ask if she was willing to sell,” he said.

First-time buyers are particularly hard-pressed: They lack profits from a previous house, and the smaller houses they can buy are in short supply.  The number of houses on the market is rising, but mostly at the high-priced end.

“Many young households still face the most challenging homebuying environment in decades,” Evangelou said. “The question isn’t simply whether more homes are coming into the market, the question is whether those homes that are available for sale are at price points that local households can actually afford.”

The nation needs another 311,000 houses selling for less than $261,000 to meet the needs of middle-income families — buyers earning around $75,000 — according to a May report that Evangelou co-authored. Several states considered legislation this year aimed specifically at creating more starter homes.

A New Mexico law signed in March by Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham creates no-interest loans of up to $75,000 for down payments to first-time buyers with moderate income. The loans are meant as an incentive for builders to create smaller houses.

Several states moved to curb minimum lot sizes, seen as an impediment to starter homes and other affordable housing, often drawing opposition from cities.

Colorado considered a measure this year allowing smaller lots for building, hoping to “expand attainable homeownership opportunities for first-time homebuyers.” It was opposed by the Colorado Municipal League, which said it “removes community planning and public input from the decision-making process.” The bill passed the state House but was killed in a state Senate committee.

Florida also considered smaller lots and other incentives for starter homes in a bill this year that died in committee after opposition from the Florida League of Cities.

A similar bill that would limit minimum lot sizes, aimed at creating more starter homes and other affordable housing, was under consideration this year in Hawaii but did not pass after clearing a state Senate committee. Democratic state Sen. Stanley Chang, the bill’s sponsor, told Stateline that “some version of the concept” will be considered in future sessions.

The Midwest continues to have the highest affordability, according to the National Association of Realtors report.

Ty Setty, 29, and his wife, Allisha, 32, had been renting for six years near Cincinnati, but they needed no family help to buy their new $170,000 house, a two-bedroom in suburban Delhi Township, Ohio.

“We had been looking at houses for a few years and just couldn’t afford them, or we let ourselves think that,” Ty Setty said.

After two weeks of looking on Zillow and touring nine houses, they saw this house as a new listing and “fell in love. We put an offer on it that night,” Ty Setty said. “They accepted the next morning. That was a long 12 hours.”

For the Longmire family in Chattanooga, the partnership between parents raising children and grandparents needing their own affordable housing has worked out well.

“Grandparents want to live with their grandchildren, and you know parents need a babysitter on date night,” Micah Longmire said. “The story that we’re telling through our life right now is, that if you can work with your family, don’t give in to the pressure of the world to go it alone.”

Stateline reporter Tim Henderson can be reached at thenderson@stateline.org.

This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Speaking on conservative host Bill Cunningham’s program on Cincinnati’s 700 WLW on June 3, Husted described Iran’s leadership as opaque and divided. He said the country’s leaders are “in bunkers” and that “you don’t really know who is actually making the decisions,” pointing to “the political clerics and then the military that are all sort of doing their own thing.”

“It is not clear to me how this comes to an end at this point in time, but it needs to,” Husted said. “Iran needs to open up the strait [of Hormuz].”

The comments come a little more than three months after the United States and Israel launched air strikes on Iran on Feb. 28, opening a conflict that included the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. In response, Iran blocked the Strait of Hormuz — a chokepoint for roughly a fifth of the world’s oil — and the closure has driven up global crude prices and the cost of gas at Ohio pumps. A U.S.-led naval blockade of Iran began in April, and an effort to reopen the waterway is ongoing.

A shift from ‘brief and successful’

Husted’s acknowledgment that he does not know how the war ends marks a more cautious tone than his earlier public statements. Shortly after the fighting began, he described the U.S. military operation as going “much better than anybody thought it would,” and for months he has said he expects the war to be “brief and successful,” a view he has said he shares regularly with the Trump administration.

In a separate interview with Signal Statewide this week, Husted used nearly identical language about Iran’s leadership, saying its leaders “are hiding in bunkers underground” and that “it’s not easy to have negotiations with people like that.” He framed the U.S. goals as twofold — preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon while reopening Gulf oil shipments — and said voters “want us to do both.” Asked when the war will have gone on too long, or whether its end is near, Husted declined to say.

Brown runs against the war

The exchange lands in the middle of Husted’s November race against former Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown, who is making opposition to the war a centerpiece of his campaign. At a recent stop near Columbus, Brown said Ohio taxpayers “have already spent a billion dollars on this war” — money he argued is not going to schools, roads or public health — and has tied the conflict to higher gas, diesel and fertilizer costs hitting Ohio farmers.

National polling has shown the war is unpopular. A YouGov survey conducted May 29 to June 1 found 29% support for President Donald Trump’s handling of the situation in Iran, a figure comparable to public sentiment on the Iraq War late in the 2006 campaign that first sent Brown to the Senate.

Husted, for his part, has pushed back on Brown, arguing that his long record in Congress contributed to Iran’s rise as a state sponsor of terrorism and that his energy positions raised electricity prices. “I believe that Ohioans understand all that,” Husted said.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The 6-1 decision in State v. Heffley, issued June 2, resolves a legal catch-22 that had blocked some Ohioans with felony convictions from using a state process meant to give them a path back to lawful firearm possession. Justice R. Patrick DeWine wrote the majority opinion, joined by Chief Justice Sharon Kennedy and Justices Patrick Fischer, Joseph Deters, Dan Hawkins and Megan Shanahan. Justice Jennifer Brunner, the court’s lone Democrat, dissented.

The case began in Allen County, where Patrick Heffley was found guilty of domestic violence, a fourth-degree felony, in 2006. He served a prison term, paid his fines and court costs and was discharged from post-release control. The conviction barred him from possessing a firearm under Ohio law and also triggered a separate federal prohibition.

In August 2023, Heffley applied for relief from his state firearms disability under R.C. 2923.14, a statute that lets people prohibited from possessing firearms petition the common pleas court in their home county to have those rights restored. The Allen County Court of Common Pleas denied the application, and the Third District Court of Appeals reversed that denial. The state, represented by the Allen County prosecutor’s office, appealed to the Supreme Court.

The legal catch-22

To qualify for relief under the Ohio statute, an applicant must show, among other things, that they are “not otherwise prohibited by law” from having firearms. The trial court read that phrase to include the federal ban under 18 U.S.C. 922(g)(1), which prohibits firearm possession by people convicted of a crime punishable by more than a year in prison.

That reading created a loop the majority described as a stalemate: an Ohio court could lift the federal ban by restoring a person’s state rights, but it would be powerless to restore those state rights because the federal ban still existed. Because every Ohio violent-felony conviction triggers both bans, the court noted, the statute would be effectively useless for the people it was written to help.

Federal law includes an exception. A conviction is no longer disqualifying once a person’s civil rights — the rights to vote, hold office and serve on a jury — have been restored, unless the restoration itself still bars firearm possession. Heffley’s civil rights were restored by operation of Ohio law after his release. Granting his state application, the majority found, would restore his firearm rights in full and remove the federal ban along with it.

How the court read the statute

Much of the ruling turned on a single word: “otherwise.” DeWine wrote that the term means “in a different way or manner,” and concluded that it refers to a firearms ban arising from a separate conviction — not the same conviction an applicant is asking the court to clear. Because Heffley’s state and federal disabilities both stem from his 2006 conviction, the court held, he has only one disabling conviction and is not “otherwise prohibited by law.”

The majority also pointed to the statute’s text, which says relief “restores the applicant to all civil firearm rights to the full extent enjoyed by any citizen,” and to a 2011 amendment in which the General Assembly said it was clarifying that the state process removes the federal ban as well.

Responding to the dissent, DeWine wrote that policy disagreements belong with lawmakers, not the court: “Our task is to apply the laws that have been enacted, not the ones that the dissenting jurist thinks should have been enacted.”

Brunner’s dissent

Brunner would have upheld the trial court’s denial. She argued that the federal ban applies to Heffley independently of state law and that the phrase “otherwise prohibited by law” includes that federal prohibition, even when it is triggered by the same conviction.

She also warned of a practical consequence. Under a 2021 Ohio Supreme Court decision, people convicted of certain misdemeanor domestic-violence offenses cannot regain firearm rights, Brunner noted, yet the majority’s ruling allows some people convicted of felony domestic violence to do so. She called that a “galling disparity in the law” and “an absurd result,” and wrote that the decision “lessens the protection for future victims of felony-level domestic violence.”

“Moreover, majority opinions like this one harm the rule of law,” Brunner wrote. “I strongly dissent from the court’s judgment.”

What happens next

The ruling does not restore Heffley’s firearm rights. The court affirmed the Third District and sent the case back to the Allen County Court of Common Pleas, which retains discretion to grant or deny his application. The statute requires a judge to find, among other things, that the applicant has led a law-abiding life since release and appears likely to continue doing so.

Because R.C. 2923.14 applications are filed in the county where the applicant lives, the decision sets a statewide precedent that common pleas courts in Seneca and Sandusky counties will follow when they weigh future firearms-disability petitions.

Heffley was represented by attorney Andrea Henning of Huffman, Kelley & Brock, L.L.C. The state was represented by Allen County Prosecuting Attorney Destiny R. Caldwell and Assistant Prosecuting Attorney John R. Willamowski Jr.

The full decision is available through the court’s published opinion.

Dave Miller contributed to this article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Twenty years after his opposition to the Iraq War helped elect him to the U.S. Senate, Sherrod Brown is making another Middle East conflict central to his attempt at a political comeback. 

Brown, who’s challenging Republican U.S. Sen. Jon Husted this November after losing his Senate seat in November 2024, railed against the ongoing war in Iran at a recent campaign stop at a brewery in suburban Columbus. 

In a 10-minute speech delivered to dozens of people sitting at picnic tables and bar stools, Brown barely mentioned President Donald Trump, who, along with Israel, launched air strikes in February. Instead, he railed against Republican Sen. Jon Husted, Brown’s opponent in the November election, for either describing the war positively or voting against efforts to immediately end it.

“Ohio taxpayers have already spent a billion dollars on this war,” Brown said. “That’s money we’re not spending on schools, money we’re not spending on roads. It’s money we’re not spending on public health. It’s money we’re not spending on keeping our rivers and our streams and our lakes clean.”

Brown has made similar points on social media. In a May 22 post on X, Brown tied the Iran war to rising pressure on farmers.

Family farmers like Bob, Bill, and Pamela in Pleasant City just can’t keep up with the rising cost of gas, diesel, and fertilizer.

Instead of working to lower costs for Ohio farmers as they head into planting season, Jon Husted is voting to spend billions on the Iran war, and… pic.twitter.com/1faBTwGB4i

— Sherrod Brown (@SherrodBrown) May 22, 2026

Besides the details – such as the name of the invaded country — Brown’s talking points sound like they could have been delivered in the 2000s. 

As a U.S House member in 2003, Brown regularly took to reading anti-war letters from constituents from the U.S. House floor. The year before, Brown had voted against authorizing then-President George W. Bush to invade Iraq. 

“Bring back the troops… Spend the $87 billion and more at home for schools, health care, basic infrastructure,” Brown said in one October 2003 speech, quoting one constituent letter. “Take care of the people at home.”

While he challenged the Repuublican’s then-Sen. Mike DeWine in the 2006 election, Brown also framed the Iraq War as being at the expense of domestic priorities. 

There was a twist though – Brown said the money spent in Iraq instead could have been spent on hardening Ohio infrastructure against terrorist attacks, reflecting a major preoccupation and a potential vulnerability for Democrats at the time.

Polling shows parallels between 2026 and 2006

National polling has shown the Iran war is unpopular, with a national poll by YouGov taken from May 29-June 1 finding only 29% support how Trump is handling the situation there.

If those numbers hold, they are comparable to polling late in the 2006 election that saw Brown elected to the Senate in the first place. A New York Times / ABC News poll released on Nov. 1, 2006, found 29% approval for then-President George W. Bush’s handling of the Iraq War. 

Notably, the new poll also shows how Trump’s decision to attack Iran has divided his own voters after campaigning on an America First platform, which includes staying out of regional conflicts in the Middle East and elsewhere. The poll says 25% of 2024 Trump voters said they opposed the president’s handling of the war while 55% said they want the war to end as quickly as possible.

In response to a question from Signal Statewide following the brewery event, Brown declined to say whether he personally sees parallels in public sentiment between 2006 and 2026. But, he said voters are angry.

“People are mad about everything,” Brown said**.** “They’re mad about prices. They’re mad about this war. They’re mad about tax cuts for the rich and cuts in health care, they see a government that’s betrayed them.”

Husted: The public “understands how complex this is”

In early public comments, Husted described the war as going “much better than anybody thought it would” shortly after it began. He’s also described how the resulting spike in gas prices has been hard on everyday Ohioans.

And the war has dragged on, Husted has described the challenge as twofold: trying to ensure the Trump Administration achieves its main justification for launching the war by  removing Iran’s ability to develop a nuclear weapon, while reopening oil shipments in the Persian Gulf disrupted by the conflict.

In an interview with Signal Statewide this week, Husted made the case that the public sees nuance in the issue. 

“I think they want the Strait of Hormuz open,” Husted said, referencing the body of water that Iran has blocked since the war’s start, causing worldwide oil prices to spike and choking shipments of other goods as well. “They want gas prices down. But they also want to make sure that Iran does not become a nuclear threat.” 

Husted portrays the voter sentiment as “They want us to do both… and those can be accomplished.”

For months, Husted has said he expects the war in Iran to be “brief and successful,” and he’s said he regularly shares that view with the Trump Administration.

In his conversation with Signal Statewide, Husted wouldn’t say at what point the war will have dragged on for too long, or if he thinks it’s close to ending.

“I know that I know that that’s what they’re trying to accomplish on a daily basis, hourly, minute, minute to minute basis,” Husted said. “The challenge for Iran is that they’re not of one mind. Their leaders are hiding in bunkers underground. It’s not easy to have negotiations with people like that.” 

Husted also would not address how the war may affect this year’s election. Instead, he tried to argue that Brown shares blame for Iran’s status as a sponsor of proxy groups like Hezbollah that have attacked U.S. military and civilian targets. He also criticized Brown for supporting anti-climate change policies that he said have driven up electricity prices.

“Sherrod Brown was here for 32 years, he didn’t address these issues. Iran became a bigger sponsor of state terrorism during his time in Congress,” Husted said.

“I believe that Ohioans understand all that,” Husted added. “Every time I have a conversation with a constituent, they definitely understand how complex it is.”

Signal Ohio is a nonprofit news organization covering government, education, health, economy and public safety.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

A powerful state senator asked that his local police chief file criminal charges against a political blogger, leading to an eventual arrest and formal accusation of telecommunications harassment, new records show.

The email from Sen. Jerry Cirino, a Lake County Republican, details three text messages he received from D.J. Byrnes, who runs The Rooster, a progressive newsletter. The text messages include Byrnes’ political commentary, him calling Cirino his oft-repeated and derisive nickname “Young Mussolini,” and Byrnes plugging his own newsletter. 

It also contains a digitally altered version of Shrek, the ogre with a titular children’s movie franchise, with his penis exposed. An affidavit with Byrnes’ arrest report refers to the depiction of Shrek as “fully nude with an exposed and erect humanlike penis engaged in an act of masturbation.” 

Byrnes sent the image to Cirino on May 6. Two days later, Cirino emailed Kirtland Police Chief Jeremy Fisher. He said Byrnes has “harassed” him in the past and he doesn’t want to see the “disgusting” and “pornographic” picture of Shrek. 

“I am officially filing a complaint and am asking that the Kirtland Police Department take appropriate actions since this occurred in Kirtland where I live,” Cirino wrote. “I would like this harassment to stop immediately and I would like charges filed against the individual.”

Byrnes was arrested Monday at the statehouse. He spent 23 hours incarcerated before posting bail. Telecommunications harassment is a first-degree misdemeanor, the most severe classification before felony level crimes. It’s punishable by up to six months in prison if the state can prove Byrnes knowingly made a telecommunication “with purpose to harass, intimidate, or abuse.”

Police detective read the Rooster archives

The police records identify Byrnes by name, but not Cirino. However, Signal Statewide can confirm Cirino is the recipient of the text messages based on the text messages themselves and other details within the police report. 

Cirino declined to comment Wednesday. In a previous interview Monday, he said he didn’t request that Byrnes be arrested but declined further comment. 

The involvement of a figure as powerful as Cirino – who as chairman of the Senate Finance committee wields outsize influence over Ohio’s roughly $100 billion state budget – triggers new scrutiny over charges filed against a political critic for his speech.

The police investigation amounted to little more than a Google search, according to details provided in an accompanying affidavit. The investigating officer, Detective Jake Scott, read one Rooster article (a paywall blocked nine more). The officer also read a profile of Byrnes that appeared in Columbus Monthly. 

“This article quoted Senate Director of Communications, John Fortney, labeling Byrnes as a ‘security threat,’” the police report states. 

The department requested an arrest warrant for Byrnes, which was granted by Judge Marisa Cornachio, whose campaign website includes an endorsement from Cirino. 

Max Littman, a Rooster contributor who has acted as a de facto Rooster spokesman since the arrest, declined to comment on the arrest reports. But he provided a copy of a statement from Byrnes, issued on Rooster letterhead including tagline “All Ohio’s depravity, all the time.”

“I believe that the facts presented in court will show that I’m innocent of the misdemeanor charge of telecommunications harassment,” Byrnes said. 

“On the advice of my legal counsel, Bill Livingston, I will not be commenting on the specifics of the allegations. The work of shining a light on the wretched and decaying underbelly of Ohio politics is too important to be sidetracked by this attempted interference.”

Signal Ohio is a nonprofit news organization covering government, education, health, economy and public safety.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The contributions, which appear in campaign finance records filed with the Federal Election Commission, came from Anatoly Yakovenko, the CEO and co-founder of Solana Labs, and Donald R. Wilson Jr., the founder and CEO of the Chicago trading firm DRW. Federal records list both donations at the per-candidate maximum for the 2025–2026 cycle.

What the FEC records show

FEC data shows Yakovenko, of Boulder, Colorado, contributed $7,000 to Max Miller for Congress on March 31, 2026, and that the committee refunded an additional $3,500 contribution from him the same day. Wilson, of Chicago, made two $3,500 contributions on March 10, 2026, for a total of $7,000. Combined, the two executives gave $14,000 — the limit each individual could contribute across the primary and general elections.

The contributions are legal and were publicly disclosed. There is no indication in the records of any agreement or exchange tied to the donations.

Solana’s Yakovenko is a named defendant in a civil racketeering case

Yakovenko is among the defendants added to a class-action lawsuit over the Pump.fun memecoin platform. In a consolidated amended complaint filed in July 2025 in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, attorneys with Wolf Popper and Burwick Law expanded the case to name Solana Labs and its leadership, including Yakovenko, alleging violations of the federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, or RICO.

The amended complaint also asserts securities claims and alleged violations of New York General Business Law sections 349 and 350, which address deceptive business practices and false advertising. The RICO allegations are predicated on claims of illegal gambling, wire fraud, intellectual property theft and unlicensed money transmission.

The allegations are unproven. The case, Aguilar v. Baton Corp., remains in litigation, and the defendants have signaled they intend to contest the claims through motions to dismiss. A judge granted plaintiffs leave to file a further amended complaint in December 2025.

Wilson’s firm faced an SEC suit that was dismissed under Trump

The Securities and Exchange Commission sued Cumberland DRW, the crypto trading arm of Wilson’s firm, in October 2024, accusing it of operating as an unregistered dealer in more than $2 billion of crypto assets the agency considered securities. Cumberland disputed the charge and said it had previously tried to register.

In March 2025, after President Donald Trump returned to office, the SEC dismissed the case with prejudice. In its litigation release, the agency said the decision rested on its effort to “reform and renew its regulatory approach to the crypto industry,” and “not on any assessment of the merits of the claims alleged in the action.” The dismissal was one of several crypto enforcement cases the SEC dropped during that period.

According to the Financial Times and public filings, DRW Investments, the firm Wilson founded and controls, invested $100 million in Trump Media & Technology Group — the company behind Truth Social and controlled by the president’s family — about nine weeks after the dismissal, as part of a funding round for the group’s purchase of more than $2 billion in cryptocurrency.

Miller’s record on crypto legislation

The donations arrived as Miller has compiled a consistent record favoring lighter regulation of digital assets. In July 2025, he voted for the CLARITY Act, the digital-asset market structure bill (H.R. 3633), which passed the House 294–134.

The watchdog group Americans for Financial Reform described the bill in a July 2025 fact sheet as “pitifully weak and loophole-ridden” legislation that “will expose crypto investors — and the financial system and real economy — to growing risk, rampant fraud, and money laundering.” The bill drew bipartisan support, with most Democrats who opposed it citing investor-protection concerns.

In December 2025, Miller and Rep. Steven Horsford, D-Nev., both members of the House Ways and Means Committee, unveiled a bipartisan discussion draft of the Digital Asset PARITY Act. The proposal would exempt routine consumer purchases of up to $200 made with regulated, dollar-pegged stablecoins from capital gains tax, among other changes to how digital assets are taxed. Miller has framed the measure as consumer protection, saying it “protects consumers making everyday purchases” and brings “clarity, parity, fairness, and common sense” to digital-asset taxation.

Miller credits the industry with making him ‘passionate’

Speaking about the PARITY Act at the DC Blockchain Summit on March 18, 2026, Miller credited the cryptocurrency industry with shaping his views. “I came into Congress, you should probably looked at my background. I’m not a big crypto guy,” he said. “But it’s all of you who educated me to get to this point … It’s because of your industry and people like you as to why I’m up here passionate about cryptocurrency. So thank you for taking the time in your community to educate me as we continue to work on a piece of legislation, when you are the subject matter experts.”

At a Blockchain Association policy summit in December 2025, Miller singled out the previous administration as an obstacle to the industry, saying the “only one who is really hostile toward it” during his time as a member and as a congressional staffer “was really President Biden and his administration.”

Miller, a former senior aide in the first Trump administration, was first elected in 2022 and is running for reelection in 2026.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The theater said the schedule reflects bookings confirmed to date and that additional performers may be added during the season. The Ritz is at 30 S. Washington St.; the box office can be reached at 419-448-8544 or at ritztheatre.org.

Concerts and national acts

• Chris Janson — Friday, Oct. 2, 2026, 7:30 p.m. Country singer, songwriter and multi-instrumentalist known for “Buy Me a Boat” and “Good Vibes.”

• Golden Girls: The Laughs Continue — Sunday, Oct. 4, 2026, 2 p.m. A parody stage show written by Robert Leleux that reimagines the “Golden Girls” characters in the present day.

• John Anderson — Oct. 26, 2026, 7:30 p.m. (day of week to be confirmed — see note). Country singer associated with the early-1980s “new traditionalist” movement, known for “Swingin’” and “Straight Tequila Night.”

• Greg West: The Ultimate Aldean Experience — Friday, Nov. 6, 2026, 7:30 p.m. A Jason Aldean tribute act.

• The Super Tramps: A Tribute to Supertramp — Saturday, Jan. 16, 2027, 7:30 p.m. A nine-piece Minneapolis-based tribute band.

• LMOA Comedy Fest — Saturday, Jan. 23, 2027, 7:30 p.m. The Ritz’s annual stand-up showcase.

• The StepCrew — Friday, March 5, 2027, 7:30 p.m. A dance production blending Irish stepdancing, Ottawa Valley stepdancing and modern tap, backed by a live band.

• Jake Hoot — March 16, 2027, 7:30 p.m. (day of week to be confirmed — see note). Country singer and the Season 17 (2019) winner of NBC’s “The Voice,” who returned to compete on the 2026 season, “The Voice: Battle of Champions.”

• Warrant: Turn Up the Good Times Tour — Saturday, April 10, 2027, 7:30 p.m. The glam-metal band known for “Cherry Pie” and “Heaven,” fronted by Robert Mason.

• 3 Redneck Tenors — Friday, April 16, 2027, 7:30 p.m. A musical-comedy trio pairing classically trained vocals with comedy.

• Thomas Pandolfi — May 27, 2027, 7:30 p.m. (day of week to be confirmed — see note). A Juilliard-trained concert pianist.

Ritz Players community theater

The Ritz Players, the theater’s community stage company, will present four productions, each with public audition dates.

• “Come From Away” — Oct. 17, 18, 24 and 25, 2026; auditions Aug. 2 and 3, 2026. The musical by Irene Sankoff and David Hein, based on the true story of airline passengers grounded in Gander, Newfoundland, after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

• “Almost, Maine” — Feb. 12, 13, 19, 20 and 21, 2027; auditions Jan. 3 and 4, 2027. John Cariani’s romantic comedy of nine interconnected short plays.

• “The Laramie Project” — May 7, 8, 15 and 16, 2027; auditions March 21 and 22, 2027. The documentary play by Moisés Kaufman and the Tectonic Theater Project, drawn from interviews conducted after the 1998 murder of Matthew Shepard in Laramie, Wyoming.

• “Something Rotten!” — July 16, 17, 24 and 25, 2027; auditions May 23 and 24, 2027. The Tony-nominated musical comedy set in 1595.

Teen Theaspian Guild

The Ritz Teen Theaspian Guild will stage two one-act plays in repertory Nov. 21–23, 2026:

• “American History in 60,” a comedic one-act by Jeremy Desmon — Nov. 21 and 22 at 7:30 p.m. and Nov. 23 at 2 p.m.

• “Vote?,” an educational time-travel drama by Eric Coble — Nov. 21 and 22 at 8:30 p.m. and Nov. 23 at 3 p.m.

Friday Night Live and classic films

Friday Night Live is an unplugged series featuring regional performers, held Fridays at 7:30 p.m. on Oct. 23, Nov. 13 and Dec. 18, 2026, and on Jan. 15, Feb. 5, March 12, April 9 and May 14, 2027.

Monday Night at the Movies screens classic films Mondays at 7 p.m.:

• “Come Back, Little Sheba” (1952) — Oct. 19, 2026

• “The Fountainhead” (1949) — Nov. 23, 2026

• “The Shop Around the Corner” (1940) — Dec. 14, 2026

• “A Star Is Born” (1954) — Jan. 11, 2027

• “Arsenic and Old Lace” (1944) — Feb. 15, 2027

• “I Am a Fugitive from a Chain Gang” (1932) — March 22, 2027

• “Vertigo” (1958) — April 12, 2027

• “Bringing Up Beauty” (1938) — May 17, 2027 (title to be confirmed — see note)

Tickets

On-sale dates are tentative, the theater said. Subscription renewals are set to begin July 13, new subscriptions July 27, flex packages of three or more shows Aug. 3, and single-event tickets Aug. 10. Ticket prices, subscription packages and sponsors are to be announced before July 13.

For information, contact the Ritz Theatre box office at 30 S. Washington St. in downtown Tiffin, call 419-448-8544 or visit ritztheatre.org.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

If at least 60% of Ohio House members sign off, voters will weigh the proposal this November.

Speaking after the vote, Senate President Rob McColley, predicted the easy passage if it makes it to the ballot.

“It’s going to be very well supported by the voters,” McColley said, “and I expect that it will pass overwhelmingly, because this is the type of protection that voters want to see in the system.

Although photo voter ID is extremely popular, the last-minute amendment push is a head-scratcher for some. Critics contend Republicans are advancing the amendment to boost turnout in an unfavorable election cycle. Republican leaders deny that’s the case.

The proposal has drawn sharp criticism from different sides of the electoral policy debate.

Voting rights advocates note the proposal only reiterates state law. Nothing about the current voting process would change if the amendment were to pass. But the amendment would make future changes harder, and by leaving out a statutory provision guaranteeing a free ID card, the proposal might draw legal challenges as a poll tax.

Meanwhile, Ohioans pushing for greater restrictions on voting oppose the amendment because it doesn’t go far enough. They’re calling for legislation requiring absentee voters to include a photocopy of their ID along with their ballot, and worry the amendment could scuttle that effort.

They’ve urged lawmakers to amend the resolution to extend photo ID requirements to absentee ballot. Lawmakers have largely balked at the idea — what good is a photo ID if you don’t have the voter standing in front of you?

In committee and on the Senate floor, Democrats offered a flurry of amendments of their own. Why not expand the list of acceptable documents or explicitly allow lawmakers to update the list? Couldn’t the amendment leave room for future electronic forms of ID? How about including a provision to ensure Ohioans can get a free ID card? Perhaps most significant, if state law requires an unexpired, government issued ID, why not allow same day voter registration?

The GOP-majority committee tabled each one in turn.

Floor debate

The resolution’s sponsors defended their proposal as a way to ensure “the longterm security of our elections,” and ensure “a government-issued photo ID is the default in Ohio elections.” Ohio state Sen. Jane Timken, R-North Canton, pointed to Virginia as “a cautionary tale.”

“After several years of operation, surviving judicial challenges, Virginia repealed its photo ID requirements in 2020 after a single seat in the General Assembly flipped,” Timken said. “And this was despite being overwhelmingly supported by the voters.”

Although Virginia does allow voters to prove their identity with documents like a utility bill or a bank statement, most voters still show a photo ID. A 2021 review of several large localities by The Virginia Mercury showed only about .05% of voters cast a ballot without showing an ID.

Ohio state Sen. Willis Blackshear, D-Dayton, criticized Republicans for turning down Democrats’ amendments.

“The general response was, well, those provisions are already in statute,” he said. “Well, photo ID’s already in statute. So then the question becomes, if we believe photo ID is important enough to enshrine in the Constitution, then why not include those protections?”

Ohio state Sen. Kent Smith, D-Euclid, said the election security concerns behind the GOP’s push for ever more stringent election policies are bogus. Since 2008, he said, 22 million people have voted in the state, but there have been just 18 charges of voter fraud in the same timeframe.

“Phony voting just is not happening very much at all in the state of Ohio,” he said. “In-person voter fraud is less common than UFO sightings, or more importantly, Bigfoot sightings in Portage County.”

Senate passage & next steps

The resolution advanced easily, 22 to 9, but Republican support wasn’t universal.

Ohio state Sen. Andrew Brenner, R-Delaware, said he’d prefer to include photo ID requirements for absentee voters, but he decided support the measure anyway. Brenner compared the resolution’s incremental progress to Ohio State football coach Woody Hayes’ “three yards and a cloud of dust.”

President McColley insisted the amendment “leaves the door open” for future legislatures to make changes like a requiring photo ID for absentee voting. But Ohio state Sen. Al Cutrona, R-Canfield, couldn’t get past his reservations.

“When you mail in your ballot, you should have to have some type of form of ID. Unfortunately, I don’t see that here, and that raises major concerns for me,” he said. “I think this is creating a loophole within our own constitution if this is indeed passed.”

Cutrona said he’d urge House members to “strengthen” the resolution’s provisions.

The House committee hearing the companion measure, House Joint Resolution 9, has yet to advance the proposal. Some committee members, including the chair, Ohio state Rep. Sharon Ray, R-Wadsworth, have expressed skepticism about a photo ID requirement for absentee ballots.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The Senate Education Committee held its second hearing on Ohio House Bill 25, a bipartisan bill to bolster education resources for foster care children from public K-12 schools all the way to higher education.

Kisha Boone, a foster parent and advocacy coordinator for the Junior League of Columbus, said that school often provides stability.

“For students in foster care, school can be the one steady place left: the counselor who feels like family, the teacher who knows the child can succeed, the (Individualized Education Program) team that understands a disability, the sibling in the same building even when siblings are living apart, or the friend group that makes a child want to show up,” Boone said.

The bill, which overwhelmingly passed the Ohio House in March, would require leadership at the Ohio Department of Education and Workforce to work with other state agencies “to encourage the sharing of best practices to support students placed in foster care,” according to an analysis by the Legislative Service Commission.

Public schools in Ohio would be required to designate a staff member as a “foster family navigator” in each school building, and the state Department of Education and Workforce must develop a training for those navigators and foster care education liaisons, under the bill.

The chancellor of the state’s higher education agency would be required to post “any scholarship opportunities specifically for students placed in foster care that are available at each state institution of higher education,” if the bill passes.

For Lilly Zetting, a child who was separated from her two younger brothers when they entered the foster care system, having a system in place that helps a child have a steady education and plan for the future can create longterm success.

“I have friends who had to leave schools they loved, even when they were doing well, because of placement changes,” Zetting told the committee on June 2. “I also know adults who work closely with foster children and have seen how often young people struggle later in life because they moved homes and schools so many times.”

Sponsors of the bill say foster children experience some of the worst education outcomes in the state, struggling to get through school without guidance that other children might receive.

Bill co-sponsor state Rep. Dontavius Jarrells, D-Columbus, said more than 15,000 children are in foster care in Ohio.

“Thousands of them are school-aged youth navigating trauma, instability, and uncertainty while still being expected to learn, grow, and prepare for adulthood,” he told the Senate committee when introducing the bill in May.

The National Foster Youth Institute found that only 3% to 4% of former foster youth obtain a four-year college degree, and high school dropout rates among foster youth are higher than other low-income children.

More than 40% of foster children in America face “educational difficulties,” according to the institute.

Hearing from children in the foster care system helped bill co-sponsor state Rep. Sharon Ray, R-Wadsworth, realize “our system was broken,” and the stories “were the catalyst needed to fix our current system.”

H.B. 25 outlines the roles of Ohio’s Department of Education and Workforce, Department of Children and Youth, Department of Higher Education, and Department of Job and Family Services “to work together in an accountable fashion to ensure needed resources are made available and utilized to support our foster care youth in their education journey,” according to Ray.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Honestly, I can’t go half a day without someone bringing up data centers. A phrase that seems wonky and technical has captured public imagination in a surprising way in 2026.

This isn’t just my experience, either. Google Trends data shows the exponential growth in the search term “data centers” in Ohio over the past year. Ohio residents googled the term “data centers” 10 times more in May 2026 than they did a year earlier.

What is driving this rising interest in data centers in Ohio and beyond?

One explanation is environmental impact. Many are concerned about the impact of data centers on local water supply, a concern that has made a lot of headway in social media circles.

Another is electricity prices. Many fear the increased demand for electricity to power data centers will lead to higher prices for consumers. In an era of fears of growing problems with affordability and an economy that is still living in the shadow of 9% inflation in 2022, anything that could lead to higher prices still poses an area of concern for consumers.

Members of the public are also concerned about public investment in data centers. Ohio created a framework for economic development incentives for data centers over a decade ago in the Kasich administration’s first budget bill. Two years later, the incentive was expanded to more data centers. A recent story by Signal Ohio reported Ohio’s sales tax exemption for data centers ballooned from a projected $136 million in deferred sales taxes to $555 million in 2024 and $1.6 billion in 2025. A recent poll of Ohio economists conducted by my firm Scioto Analysis found only one of 14 economists believing tax incentives for data centers were an efficient strategy for job creation.

Another factor driving public interest in data centers is community change. Many of these arguments sound a lot like community opposition to solar panels or wind turbines, with people saying they are ugly or change the character or tenor of a neighborhood. For people who see a number of data centers crop up in their neighborhood in a short period of time, this sort of change can be shocking.

A final reason people are worried about the proliferation of data centers comes from a broader concern: social change. I was on a panel with social critic Michael Clune and tech consultant Nicole Jackson hosted by workforce strategy organization ASPYR last month. One thing that stuck with me that Clune said was that polling around adoption of the internet when it appeared in the 1990s was optimistic, even as few people were using it. This trend has been reversed with artificial intelligence: the technology is seeing rapid adoption, and the public is generally pessimistic about it. A viral speech from a Ravenna City Council meeting given against approval of a data center by a former programmer captures this sentiment well.

The truth is that each of these areas of concern for the public have shades of grey. Data centers impact the environment, but not nearly as much as agriculture or transportation. They impact energy prices, though these impacts can be mitigated by construction of new power generation projects to support them. Data centers and AI will change our communities and our society, but our communities and society are changing with these particular changes or without them.

But Ohio lawmakers can decide whether they want to spend billions of dollars on projects that are likely to happen without those incentives. Last week, Representative Tristan Rader and ten other members of the Ohio House of Representatives introduced legislation to phase out the data center subsidy starting later this year, leaving new data centers to the whims of market forces. While this change would not curtail all concerns with data center development in the state, it would at the very least give a chance for data center development to come a little closer to what an efficient market would provide.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Abortion funds can help when someone must travel from their home state to a state where care is available. That often includes people living in one of the 13 states with a near-total abortion ban, but it also encompasses those who need to travel because of gestational limits in other states. Funds, which often come exclusively from donations, help pay for the cost of the abortion procedure as well as transportation costs, lodging, meals and other expenses.

In the four years since the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health case, abortion fund leaders say the need for assistance has exploded. Poonam Dreyfus-Pai, interim executive director of the National Network of Abortion Funds, said Monday that the funds supported more than 158,000 people in 2025, up from 82,000 in 2022. And the cost per person has doubled from less than $200 to nearly $400 on average nationwide.

Dreyfus-Pai said about one-third of the abortion funds in their network reported that they had to pause their hotline services in 2025 because of funding shortages, staff burnout, legal barriers, security concerns and other issues.

“We’re seeing that this year is even harder for funds, with many more funds needing to temporarily close their doors to stretch their funding, and some even closing permanently,” Dreyfus-Pai said.

In Virginia, Blue Ridge Abortion Fund Executive Director April Greene said more than one-quarter of their callers traveled from out of state in the current fiscal year. Greene said the fund has distributed more than $6.1 million in funding since it was founded in 1989, but more than $4 million of that came after the Dobbs decision.  

Melisa Hidalgo-Cuellar, director of Colorado’s Cobalt Abortion Fund, said her organization saw a 1,000% increase in spending for abortion seekers from 2021 to 2025, supporting patients from 32 states and six countries. The fund spent $2.4 million to support abortion seekers in 2025, compared with $206,000 spent in 2021, before Dobbs. Many of the fund’s out-of-state clients are from Texas, which has a near-total ban and other civil enforcement laws related to abortion.

The spending rose another 26% in the first three months of 2026, at least in part because of rising fuel costs associated with the ongoing conflict in Iran and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, and recent price increases for food and other services. The total spent in the first quarter of 2025 was about $465,000, while the total in the first quarter of 2026 was nearly $590,000. 

“We saw a 44% increase in how much we spent on flights in March of 2025 to March of 2026,” Hidalgo-Cuellar said. “So it’s a significant increase.”  

The airfare costs can be especially high because when funds receive a help request, the caller usually needs to travel within a few days. Ginnely Carrasco, director of programs and interim executive director of the Florida Access Network, said the quick travel window can increase a ticket’s price by $500 to $700.

According to a report published Tuesday, the Cobalt Abortion Fund also spent $23,000 in the first quarter of this year to support access to abortion medication by telehealth. Continued access via telehealth to mifepristone, one of two drugs approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to terminate a pregnancy before 10 weeks, is threatened by an ongoing lawsuit filed by the state of Louisiana in 2025. 

The U.S. Supreme Court preserved the rule allowing telehealth prescriptions for now, but the case is ongoing.

Stateline reporter Kelcie Moseley-Morris can be reached at kmoseley@stateline.org.

This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The new interim rule, issued by the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, is intended to give states more details on how they’re supposed to verify the work status for about 20 million adults enrolled in Medicaid, the publicly funded health insurance program for people with low incomes.

The new details come as states are staring down the January 1, 2027, deadline to put the new work requirements in place, and have requested more clarity from the feds on how they’re supposed to implement them.

“States are being asked to carry out a complicated federal mandate without clear rules, without enough time, and with the risk that eligible people lose health care because of paperwork problems and system failures,” Oregon Democratic Gov. Tina Kotek said last week in a statement.

Kotek led a six-state coalition of Democratic governors in asking the Trump administration last week to slow the rollout of the new work requirements, calling the timeline unworkable.

Congress built the new work requirements into last year’s so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Under the measure, states that have expanded Medicaid eligibility to more adults under the Affordable Care Act — 40 states plus the District of Columbia and another two that have partially expanded — will have to require those adults to prove they’re working, going to school or serving their communities for at least 80 hours a month to receive Medicaid.

The rules released this week are intended to clarify key parts of the new law, including exemptions for people who are considered “medically frail,” how to reach out to Medicaid beneficiaries, and methods for verifying Medicaid eligibility.

“This rule helps Americans build skills and independence through work, education, job training, or community service, creating new opportunities for themselves and their families,” said Dr. Mehmet Oz, director for the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, in a statement announcing the new guidance.

But critics of work requirements point to evidence that it kicks people off Medicaid who are otherwise entitled to it without meaningfully increasing the share of adults who are working.

For example, Arkansas tried instituting work requirements for Medicaid recipients during Trump’s first term in 2018. By the time a federal judge halted the policy less than a year later, 18,000 adults had already lost coverage and reported problems paying off medical debt, delaying healthcare and delaying medications due to cost. Studies later found that Arkansas’ work requirements didn’t increase employment. And data shows that most adults on Medicaid under age 65 are already working.

Supporters say the new requirements are flexible. They say the feds have created a broad category of “medically frail” people who are exempt from the work requirements, and they’re permitting states to allow people to self-attest that they’re exempt one time before documentation is required.

The new work requirements will apply to about 20 million people who are eligible for Medicaid through expansion, according to estimates from health research organization KFF. These expansion enrollees make up about 30% of all Medicaid enrollees.

A recent analysis from the Urban Institute projects that 3-7 million people could lose coverage because of the new work requirements.

Stateline reporter Anna Claire Vollers can be reached at avollers@stateline.org.

This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The directive contradicts the Trump administration’s notice to physicians last year cautioning against the use of the primary pain reliever recommended for pregnant women, following the president’s unsupported claims that the medication could lead to autism in children.

The national professional association for maternal-fetal medicine specialists, clinicians and scientists continues to recommend acetaminophen as the “first-line medication” to treat pain and fever during pregnancy. The federal government’s statements prompted the organization to review its 2017 guidance finding acetaminophen safe to use during pregnancy. 

“Although some studies have reported associations between maternal acetaminophen use and adverse neurodevelopmental outcomes in offspring, methodological limitations preclude conclusions about causality, and the biological mechanism for such an effect remains unestablished,” reads the statement, following a comprehensive review of recent and historical scientific literature. 

The organization’s guidance cautions patients to “use the lowest effective dose of acetaminophen for the shortest duration necessary,” while emphasizing that untreated maternal fever carries well-documented risks to the fetus, especially in the first trimester.

At a news conference last September, President Donald Trump said his administration had found acetaminophen use during pregnancy to be a likely contributing environmental cause of autism. 

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has directed the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to shift its research into autism toward potential environmental causes. 

Even though medical experts and the drug manufacturer have said there is no proven link, the FDA immediately said it would initiate a process for a label change for Tylenol and similar products to “reflect evidence suggesting that the use of acetaminophen by pregnant women may be associated with an increased risk of neurological conditions such as autism and ADHD in children.”

The label has not yet changed. But the September news conference has had consequences.  

A month later, Texas’ Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton, who is running for U.S. Senate, sued Johnson and Johnson, alleging the pharmaceutical company failed to warn pregnant consumers about the risk of taking Tylenol.

And a study in The Lancet published in March found that emergency department orders for acetaminophen for pregnant patients fell 10% in the months following Trump’s statement, while there was no change in the acetaminophen orders for comparable women who were not pregnant.

Stateline reporter Sofia Resnick can be reached at sresnick@stateline.org. 

This story was originally produced by Stateline, which is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network which includes Ohio Capital Journal, and is supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The update was one of two utility presentations at the meeting, where council also passed four ordinances, gave first readings to three others and scheduled a public hearing on next year’s tax budget.

Gas-main work coming to the east side

Katie Rosa, a public affairs specialist with Columbia Gas of Ohio, said the company’s Coe Street Accelerated Main Replacement Program will cover a large portion of the city’s eastern half. The program replaces older cast-iron and bare-steel pipe — some of it in the ground since the 1950s and 1960s, Rosa said — with plastic line the company expects to last more than 100 years.

Most of the project area will receive full mainline and service-line replacement along with meter relocation, Rosa said. Two areas, Rosa Street and Hedgegate Court, will see mainline upgrades only, with service-line replacements decided case by case.

Miller Pipeline will serve as the contractor, with crews carrying photo identification on themselves, their vehicles and their equipment, she said. Mainline work is completed first, followed by appointment-based service-line installations that typically run two to four hours. Because crews must enter the home to complete service-line work and relight gas appliances, someone 18 or older must be present for each appointment. Rosa said most homes will also need their meter relocated to comply with state and federal regulations adopted over the past five to 10 years.

Rosa said she did not yet have pre-construction dates and expected to share them after a scheduling call the following day. She estimated the project would begin around mid-July.

She also said the company’s ongoing Noble Street project is nearly finished. Mainline installation on Monroe between Noble and Hudson and on Erie between Noble and Water was wrapping up, she said, with the new mainline set to be energized at midweek and service-line installations on Noble and Webster to follow later in the week.

Bulk cleanup week set for June 15–19

Blake Austin, a municipal and public sector specialist for Rumpke, reminded council that the city’s annual bulk cleanup week runs June 15 through 19. He said residents are asked to limit set-outs to five items per household, plastic-wrap any upholstered furniture so crews can load it safely, and have Freon removed from refrigerators before disposal. Car batteries and other hazardous materials should not be placed at the curb, he said. Yard waste and tree limbs are not part of the cleanup and are handled as regular trash.

Austin also urged residents not to throw away lithium-ion batteries, or batteries of any kind, saying they can cause fires in collection trucks and at disposal facilities. He pointed residents to the Ottawa-Sandusky-Seneca Solid Waste District, which holds household hazardous-waste collection events. Registration and information are available at RecycleOSS.org or by phone at 419-334-7222.

Council action: easements, intern pay, budget

Council passed four ordinances unanimously, each on a 7-0 vote after suspending its three-reading rule.

Ordinance 2026-36, introduced by Councilmember John Hays, authorizes the mayor to enter into permanent stormwater easements with various property owners. Hays said the agreements provide for ongoing inspection, maintenance and repair tied to infrastructure improvements.

Ordinance 2026-39, also introduced by Hays, authorizes the mayor to accept an easement from Tiffin RA LLC for public use of sidewalks on Wentz Street. Hays said the company is awaiting permits before work begins, which he cited as the reason for immediate passage.

Ordinance 2026-40, introduced by Councilmember Kevin Roessner, amends the city pay ordinance to set pay for a law-office intern. Law Director Zach Fowler said his office plans to bring on a law-school student as an intern and that the part-time position is already covered in the budget. The measure was passed as an emergency.

Ordinance 2026-42, also introduced by Roessner, amends the 2026 budget to appropriate $10,769.95 to the street maintenance department and $50 to the police department. Finance Director Jill Lindhorst said the street maintenance figure reflects three insurance-claim checks the city received. Roessner thanked Tiffin Women in Action for the donation to the Tiffin Police Department.

Three ordinances received first readings without a vote: Ordinance 2026-37, a sanitary sewer easement with Trilogy Real Estate Tiffin LLC; Ordinance 2026-38, a sanitary and stormwater sewer easement with the Seneca Industrial and Economic Development Corporation; and Ordinance 2026-41, which would adopt a tax budget for fiscal year 2027 and direct the finance director to deliver it to the Seneca County Auditor.

Council President Bridget Boyle announced a public hearing on the fiscal year 2027 tax budget for 7 p.m. June 15, the date of the next regular council meeting.

Progress Parkway TIF and a new confidentiality law

In other business, Councilmember Kyle Daugherty, who chairs the Law and Community Planning Committee, said the committee did not need to meet on the mayor’s request for legislation regarding a tax increment financing arrangement for Progress Parkway because it had previously discussed the matter. He asked the law director to prepare the legislation. Tax increment financing, or TIF, redirects future property-tax revenue generated by a property’s increased value toward public infrastructure or development costs.

Fowler also told council about a recent change in state law affecting how the city handles economic-development records. He said an amendment to Ohio Revised Code Section 9.66 makes paperwork tied to economic-development assistance programs — such as Community Reinvestment Area applications and items going before the Tax Incentive Review Council — confidential rather than public record. The provision, enacted through House Bill 184 and effective March 20, 2026, classifies information submitted by applicants for economic-development assistance as not a public record under Ohio’s public records law. Fowler said the confidentiality applies while applications are being processed and that the handling differs once items formally come before council. He noted the Ohio Municipal League is holding a seminar on the change June 9.

Mayor’s town hall

Earlier in the meeting, Mayor Lee Wilkinson reminded residents of a town hall he is hosting at 6:30 p.m. Thursday, June 4, at the Tiffin-Seneca Public Library, where he said he would take questions from the public.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The annual outing brings together alumni, community members, local businesses and supporters of TU Athletics for a day of golf benefiting Tiffin University student-athletes. According to the university, proceeds help fund the student-athlete experience through investments in facilities, travel and apparel.

Participants will play 18 holes while enjoying food and beverages on the course. The day will also feature games and contests with prizes, followed by awards. Tiffin University coaches and athletic staff will be present throughout. Skins and mulligans will be available for purchase at check-in, and participants are encouraged to bring cash or be prepared for day-of payment options.

Team and individual registrations, along with sponsorship opportunities, are available through June 8. The university says sponsorships give businesses and organizations community visibility while directly supporting TU student-athletes and athletic programs.

“The Annual Golf Outing is a memorable and enjoyable day for the Tiffin University Athletic Department. Every year it gets better and better and this year will be no exception,” said Kelly Daniel, assistant vice president for athletics and director of athletics at Tiffin University. “We look forward to great camaraderie and the opportunity to share Dragon Nation with all who are a part of this special day. The golf outing is an integral part of our athletic success for our department and our students.”

Mohawk Golf and Country Club, a Donald Ross–designed course in Seneca County, serves as the home course for Tiffin University.

Additional event details and registration information are available through the university’s event page at my.onecause.com.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

The 215-208 vote, in which four Republicans voted with all Democrats to adopt the resolution, is the strongest rebuke to date against Trump’s handling of the months-long war that has left more than a dozen military troops dead, killed thousands of Iranian civilians and disrupted global supply chains of fertilizer and oil with the blockage of the Strait of Hormuz. 

Republican Reps. Tom Barrett of Michigan, Warren Davidson of Ohio, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania and Thomas Massie of Kentucky voted in favor.

The War Powers Resolution nearly passed the House last month, but failed on a 212-212 tie. The measure is a tool for Congress to limit the president’s ability to initiate or escalate military actions.

Several similar efforts in the Senate have failed. However, following the Republican primary loss of Sen. Bill Cassidy, the Louisianan joined with Democrats and several GOP senators in a vote to move the measure forward. A vote on final passage on the Senate measure has not been scheduled.

Rep. Gregory Meeks of New York, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, sponsored the resolution in that chamber.

Michigan Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib has a separate War Powers Resolution that would force the president to withdraw troops from Lebanon. Israel, with weapons and funding from the United States, has launched an assault on that nation.

The passage of the resolution in the GOP-controlled House was the latest sign of growing dissent against Trump among congressional Republicans. 

Senate Republicans balked at Trump’s effort to create a nearly $1.8 billion fund to pay people who believe they were wrongly prosecuted by the Justice Department, including those who were convicted and later pardoned by the president for attacking the U.S. Capitol in January 2021. 

The Trump administration backed away from the fund after disputes over it halted work on legislation to fund immigration and deportation activities for the rest of the president’s second term.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Nathaniel H. Cain, 23, faces a single count of strangulation, a third-degree felony, in Seneca County Common Pleas Court. The Ohio State Highway Patrol confirmed that Cain was employed as a trooper at the time of the alleged offense.

“The Patrol took immediate action upon learning of the allegations,” the agency told TiffinOhio.net. “The employee has since been terminated. The conduct alleged does not reflect the values of this agency.”

Cain was assigned to the Patrol’s Norwalk post.

The charge stems from an incident on Tuesday, May 19, at the couple’s Tiffin home. According to a sworn complaint, Cain’s girlfriend reported that the two had a verbal argument during which Cain grabbed her jaw and squeezed, breaking one of her lower teeth.

When she tried to lie down, the complaint states, he grabbed her neck and squeezed for about seven seconds. The officer who took the report wrote that he saw redness on the front of her neck and injuries to her lower lip and tooth. The woman, whom TiffinOhio.net is not naming, reported that she had lived with Cain since October 2025 and that the two were in a romantic relationship.

The complaint was sworn by Tiffin Police Sgt. Joseph P. Feld.

Strangulation became a stand-alone felony in Ohio in April 2023 under Senate Bill 288; before the change, such cases were typically charged as misdemeanor assault or domestic violence.

The woman reported the incident in person at the Tiffin Police Department.

The sergeant assigned to the case took her report at the station, so no body-worn or cruiser-camera video of the report exists, Tiffin Police Lt. Jason Windsor told TiffinOhio.net in response to a public records request.

Windsor said the Highway Patrol took Cain into custody when he arrived at his post for duty and may have recorded his arrest and transport. TiffinOhio.net has a pending records request with OSHP for additional information.

Cain was charged on Wednesday, May 20, and his bond was set at $75,000 with conditions. The case is before Common Pleas Judge Damon D. Alt, and Seneca County Prosecutor Derek W. DeVine’s office is prosecuting.

Cain was initially assigned appointed counsel; attorney Dean Henry later entered an appearance and asked the court to lower the bond, but that request was denied. Cain waived a preliminary hearing on Thursday, May 28, and posted bond the same day through a bail bonding company. The case remains pending.

A criminal charge is an allegation. Cain is presumed innocent unless and until he is convicted in court.

Editor’s Note: Cain was previously placed on unpaid administrative leave, according to an OSHP statement Wednesday. On Thursday, OSHP told TiffinOhio.net Cain’s employment had been terminated.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche testified Tuesday before a House committee the DOJ will no longer move forward with those plans shortly after Senate Majority Leader John Thune, a South Dakota Republican, said the administration had reversed course. 

That decision could clear the way for the Senate to debate a roughly $70 billion package meant to fund immigration and deportation for the rest of President Donald Trump’s term. 

“I think his statements are going to be very definitive, very clear and create the certainty that I hope all of our members, and House members need as well, in order for us to proceed on the reconciliation bill,” Thune said, referring to Blanche. “But I’m not guaranteeing that happens yet.” 

Blanche confirmed Thune’s statements when he testified before a House Appropriations subcommittee in the afternoon.

“We’re not moving forward with the fund, period,” Blanche said when pressed by the subcommittee’s top Democrat, Rep. Grace Meng of New York.

“You and Associate Attorney General Woodward signed earlier documents regarding the settlement and this fund, would both of you now sign and release documents reversing the DOJ position on the fund?” Meng asked.

“We’re not moving forward with the fund. I’m not sure what that means to sign documents reversing. There’s nothing to reverse,” Blanche replied.

The DOJ posted on social media this week that it plans to abide by a temporary court ruling that blocked distribution of the funds, but Republican lawmakers said that wasn’t enough to end the impasse it created.

The Justice Department announced the creation of the fund last month as part of a legal settlement between Trump and the IRS over leaked copies of his returns during Trump’s first term. The settlement included provisions that precluded future IRS investigations into Trump and his family.

Senate Republicans weigh in

Thune said GOP senators had a “quite robust conversation” during a closed-door lunch about the DOJ fund and whether to move forward with their immigration and deportation package. 

North Dakota Sen. John Hoeven said after that meeting it’s up to GOP leaders to determine whether there are enough votes to move forward with the immigration package. 

“I think the next step is for our whip team to find out where everybody’s at based on the administration’s indication that they’re not going to move forward with the fund,” Hoeven said. 

Louisiana Sen. John Kennedy said there is a “chance” that Republicans could begin a marathon amendment voting session on the immigration bill as soon as Wednesday, if Blanche’s testimony alleviates concerns created by the DOJ fund. 

Montana Sen. Steve Daines, however, said he believes it’s “unlikely” that process begins this week. 

North Carolina Republican Sen. Thom Tillis said earlier in the day, before the lunch, that he wouldn’t accept taxpayer dollars going toward people who attacked the Capitol on Jan. 6. 

“To provide restitution to somebody who assaulted a police officer and pled guilty to it. I mean, man, I’ve seen some crazy stuff before, but that’s right up there with crazy,” he said. 

Utah Republican Sen. John Curtis said he needs to know “if it’s dead or nearly dead.” 

Oklahoma Republican Sen. James Lankford said he wants clarification from the White House about the settlement fund in light of the court’s ruling. 

He added that Republicans are waiting to see if “the court case set aside both the settlement fund and the audits.”

“We need clarification for what it is and isn’t, because the White House already said ‘we agree, we don’t like it, but we agree with the courts,’” Lankford said. “What does that mean?”

Amendment to ban fund

Democrats have also criticized Trump and those in his administration over the fund, vowing to block it in law. 

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said during an afternoon press conference that promises from Trump and administration officials are “worthless.” 

“Trump sued his own government, had his own Justice Department settle the case and is now trying to use taxpayer dollars to pay off his MAGA allies, billionaire buddies and cop-beating insurrectionists,” Schumer said. 

“And let’s be clear, Trump has not killed this slush fund,” he added. “He has not revoked the special tax immunity he gave himself and his family. He has not ended the corruption. He hit a temporary roadblock. That’s it.”

Schumer said the first amendment he would offer during debate on Republicans’ immigration and deportation bill would “ban Trump’s slush fund permanently and revoke his family’s free rein to commit tax fraud forever.”

Ashley Murray contributed to this report.

This story is republished from the Ohio Capital Journal under a Creative Commons license. View the original article.

Originally published on TiffinOhio.net.